COMESA CANNOT CHAMPION DEMOCRACY ABROAD WHILE DEMOCRATIC SPACE SHRINKS AT HOME COMESA's commitment to democratic institutions and political tolerance is welcome. But its leadership raises serious questions of credibility. Zimbabwe assumes leadership amid constitutional manipulation, shrinking civic space under the PVO Act and the police prevention of a peaceful prayer meeting. Zambia faces growing concerns over restrictions on opposition activity and civic freedoms. Eswatini, the incoming Vice-Chair of the COMESA Authority, remains an absolute monarchy where political parties cannot freely compete for national political power. How can regional leaders defend democratic freedoms abroad while restricting them at home? COMESA must not become a shield for democratic regression. Democracy cannot be proclaimed at regional summits and suspended at national borders. Regional leadership must be earned through democratic example, not merely institutional rotation.

A BIGGER ECONOMY MUST MEAN BETTER LIVES The IMF reportedly projects Zimbabwe's GDP at US$65.9 billion in 2026, ranking it Africa's 14th-largest economy. Growth is welcome. But how much of this reflects real economic expansion, and how much reflects GDP rebasing and valuation changes? More importantly, are young people finding decent jobs? Are wages improving? Are families escaping poverty? Are public services getting better? GDP measures economic production, not the distribution of prosperity. We should neither dismiss these figures nor celebrate them uncritically. A country can become richer on paper while its citizens remain poor in practice. The true measure of economic transformation is the improvement in people's lives. Where is the citizen's dividend?

THE CONSTITUTION IS SUPREME, NOT ZANU-PF. ZANU-PF's Chinhoyi Conference resolutions raise serious constitutional questions. Resolution 1.6 proposes party supremacy over Government, while Resolution 1.8 seeks to make ZANU-PF recommendations a requirement for employment in public institutions. Zimbabwe is a constitutional republic, not a party-state. Our young people and recent graduates already bear the burden of unemployment arising from years of economic mismanagement. They must not now be required to obtain political clearance before accessing employment opportunities. Qualifications, competence and merit—not party affiliation—must determine access to public employment. DCP will mobilise young people, graduates and other affected citizens to peacefully and lawfully resist any attempt to impose partisan employment restrictions. In consultation with our partners in Sungano yeVanhu – Ubumbano Lomphakathi, we will also pursue appropriate legal remedies against ZANU-PF and any responsible State institutions where their actions violate the Constitution or citizens' rights. The State belongs to all Zimbabweans, regardless of political affiliation. The Constitution must prevail. #DefendTheConstitution #EqualOpportunity #ConstitutionalSupremacy

CHINHOYI: PRESIDENTIAL POWER OR CITIZENS' PRIORITIES? Over 7,000 delegates gathered at ZANU-PF's 23rd National People's Conference, reportedly backed by a US$10 million fundraising exercise. More than 30 resolutions were announced. But judged by the weight of its principal resolutions, the conference appears to have been primarily about consolidating President Mnangagwa's power. The elective congress is to be postponed to 2029. Mnangagwa is to remain party leader until 2030 and be its next presidential candidate. The party constitution is to be amended accordingly. Meanwhile, what concrete new measures were adopted to address rising poverty, unemployment, low incomes and deteriorating public services? Even more disturbing is the constitutional question. ZANU-PF expressly linked its leadership resolutions to national constitutional amendments whose validity remains contested before the courts. An enacted law remains operative unless set aside. But political resolutions cannot pre-empt the judiciary's constitutional authority. The doctrine of separation of powers is not optional. A conference themed “From Resolutions to Results” must answer a fundamental question: Results for whom? The President or the people? Zimbabwe needs leadership focused on extending economic opportunities for citizens, not merely extending political tenure for those in power. Constitutional supremacy must prevail over political expediency. #Zimbabwe #Constitutionalism #SeparationOfPowers

THE SECOND BATTLE OF CHINHOYI: FROM LIBERATION TO CONSTITUTIONAL RESTORATION In 1966, seven liberation fighters confronted the Rhodesian military at Chinhoyi. They were outnumbered, outgunned and killed. Yet their defeat did not end the liberation struggle. It inspired a movement that eventually secured independence in 1980. Sixty years later, Chinhoyi is witnessing another consequential political battle. This time, the contest is over constitutionalism, political power and proposals to extend President Mnangagwa's tenure. The true number of ZANU-PF members opposed to the 2030 Agenda remains unknown. In a political environment shaped by patronage and intimidation, dissent can carry a heavy price. Former senior party officials have faced threats to their agricultural land allocations after falling out with the leadership. Silence is not necessarily consent. Visible unanimity is not necessarily genuine agreement. The seven fighters at Chinhoyi did not represent the full extent of opposition to colonial rule. Similarly, the number of ZANU-PF members openly resisting the extension agenda may not reflect the full extent of internal opposition. That does not establish that today's opponents are a majority; their actual numbers remain unknown. At the 23rd ZANU-PF Conference, VP Constantino Chiwenga raised fundamental questions about whether party resolutions genuinely originate from ordinary members or are imposed from above. He reminded delegates that their party belongs to its members, not individuals, and insisted that political change must follow constitutional procedures. His remarks did not explicitly reject the proposed amendments, but they raised important questions about the integrity of the decision-making process. Reports of disagreements within the party leadership, including allegations of financial inducements intended to influence conference resolutions, reinforce the need for scrutiny. Those allegations remain unverified. The proposed constitutional amendments were reportedly incorporated into the conference agenda through the Legal Secretary's report to the Central Committee. But placing amendments on an agenda is not the same as lawfully adopting them. Article 29, Section 271 of the ZANU-PF Constitution prescribes procedures for constitutional amendments, including advance notice, Central Committee approval and ratification by the National People's Congress. A National People's Conference resolution cannot substitute for those requirements. Meanwhile, the constitutional challenges to CAB3 remain unresolved. If the Constitutional Court invalidates provisions extending the incumbent President's tenure from 2028 to 2030, no subsequent amendment to the ZANU-PF Constitution can override that judgment. ZANU-PF may govern Zimbabwe, but it does not own Zimbabwe. The national Constitution remains supreme. The battle at Chinhoyi may be won by those commanding the party machinery and the numerical majority. But political numbers cannot cure constitutional defects. The contemporary struggle for constitutional restoration must remain peaceful, lawful and democratic, pursued through the courts, civic organisation and the exercise of citizens' constitutional rights. The liberation struggle gave Zimbabwe its independence. Constitutional government must give that independence enduring democratic meaning. In 1966, the seven fell, but the struggle continued. In 2026, constitutionalism may suffer another setback at Chinhoyi, but the constitutional struggle will continue. Chinhoyi may decide a battle. It will not decide the constitutional future of Zimbabwe. #RestoreTheConstitution #LetThePeopleDecide

ECONOMIC GROWTH: WHERE IS THE CITIZEN'S DIVIDEND? President Mnangagwa says Zimbabwe's GDP has grown from US$16bn in 2017 to US$66bn, with GDP per capita rising from US$1,200 to US$3,500. These are substantial claims. But what has this growth meant for ordinary Zimbabweans? The World Bank reports that approximately 80% of Zimbabweans work in the informal sector, with median monthly earnings of around US$130. Poverty remains widespread. GDP per capita is an average, not what each citizen earns. The President must account for the citizen's dividend: real wages, decent jobs, household purchasing power and access to essential services. He also insists that Vision 2030 remains on course. Yet the World Bank's baseline projection places Zimbabwe's attainment of upper-middle-income status around 2036, not 2030. Ambition is not a development projection. It must be supported by credible economic assumptions. A country may become richer on paper while its citizens continue to struggle in practice. The purpose of economic development is to close that gap. #CitizensDividend #Vision2030 #Zimbabwe

ZIMBABWE'S DEMOCRACY: PROGRESS OR REGRESSION? The latest Afrobarometer findings present a troubling paradox. 76% of Zimbabweans still prefer democracy to any other form of government. Yet 45% believe Zimbabwe is either not a democracy or a democracy with major problems. More significantly, support for democracy has declined from 85% in the previous survey to 76%. These findings should concern everyone entrusted with public leadership. They suggest a growing distance between the democracy citizens aspire to and their experience of democratic governance. But we must distinguish between declining confidence in how democracy functions and declining belief in democracy itself. The findings do not conclusively establish democratic regression. That requires examining the actual performance of our institutions. Are citizens enjoying greater freedoms? Are elections becoming more credible? Is Parliament exercising effective oversight? Are the courts independent? Are constitutional limits being respected? These questions are particularly relevant as Zimbabwe confronts the implications of Constitutional Amendment No. 3, whose constitutionality remains contested before the courts. The Afrobarometer survey was not a referendum on that amendment, and we must not misrepresent it as one. The findings also challenge those of us in opposition to demonstrate internal democracy, accountability, tolerance and respect for dissent. Democracy cannot be sustained by the people's faith in democracy alone. Its institutions must give that faith practical meaning. The people must remain the source of political authority, not merely spectators in its exercise. #Constitutionalism #Democracy #Zimbabwe #LetThePeopleDecide

WHITHER ZIMBABWE? NINE YEARS LATER In November 2017, we were told that there were “criminals surrounding the President” who had to be removed to save Zimbabwe. Nine years later, who were these criminals? What specific crimes had they committed? Were they ever apprehended, prosecuted and convicted? Fast-forward to October 2026. Vice President Chiwenga has reportedly raised serious allegations of corruption involving individuals close to President Mnangagwa. Yet at the President's recent fundraising dinner, we saw him literally and metaphorically surrounded by Kudakwashe Tagwirei, Scott Sakupwanya and Joachim Chivayo, brother of the late Wicknell Chivayo. Only days earlier, Joachim had publicly recounted extraordinary expenditure, including US$90,000 on shoes and the purchase of luxury vehicles, following payments associated with the Gwanda Solar Project, which remains unfinished. These revelations raise serious questions deserving independent investigation. Even more troubling is Tagwirei's appointment to Cabinet while serious allegations against him remain unresolved. Section 196 of our Constitution is instructive. It requires public officers to demonstrate integrity, honesty, accountability and transparency. It also requires them to avoid conflicts between personal interests and public duties. In a functional constitutional democracy, an impartial and credible public-office vetting system should ensure that serious allegations affecting a prospective Cabinet Minister's integrity are independently examined before an appointment proceeds. The presumption of innocence is a fundamental constitutional protection. But it must not be confused with an automatic entitlement to public office. Public office is a public trust, not a reward for proximity to political power. In 2017, allegations of criminals surrounding the President were used to justify extraordinary political intervention. In 2026, allegations concerning individuals close to his successor raise fundamental questions about whether the same standards of accountability apply. The Constitution cannot demand integrity from ordinary public officers while permitting unanswered questions about integrity at the highest levels of government. Nine years later, have we changed the system, or merely changed the people sitting around the table? Whither Zimbabwe?

US$9.64 BILLION CONDONATION BILL: ACCOUNTABILITY BEFORE APPROVAL Government is asking Parliament to condone approximately US$9.64 billion in unauthorised expenditure incurred between 2015 and 2018. This is not a routine accounting exercise. It concerns public money spent beyond the authority granted by Parliament. Section 307 of our Constitution is clear: The Minister of Finance must seek condonation without delay and no later than 60 days after the extent of unauthorised expenditure has been established. The Minister first sought condonation in 2019. That Bill lapsed in 2020. Why has Government taken another six years to return to Parliament? Who is accountable for this delay? Even more concerning are discrepancies in the figures. For 2018, the current Bill seeks condonation of approximately US$3.56 billion, while the Auditor-General reported approximately US$3.209 billion in unauthorised excess expenditure attributed to the Ministry of Finance. That is a difference of approximately US$351 million requiring explanation. Parliament must establish: 1. Where did the US$9.64 billion go? 2. Who authorised the expenditure? 3. Why was parliamentary approval not obtained when required? 4. Why was the 2019 Bill allowed to lapse? 5. Do the figures reconcile with the Auditor-General's reports? 6. What accountability measures have been taken? Let us be clear: unauthorised expenditure does not automatically mean money was stolen. But it does mean Government spent beyond its parliamentary authority, and that demands a full accounting. At a time when schools lack classrooms, teachers demand decent remuneration, hospitals face resource shortages and pensioners struggle, every dollar of public money must be accounted for. Parliament must not become a rubber stamp for expenditure incurred without its authority. The Constitution cannot be binding on citizens but optional for Government. Condonation must follow accountability, not replace it. #PublicAccountability #DefendTheConstitution #Zimbabwe

ZIMBABWE CANNOT FIX ITS EDUCATION CRISIS WHILE NEGLECTING TEACHERS The Education Minister's acknowledgement of teacher shortages, overcrowded classrooms, inadequate textbooks and delayed BEAM payments confirms the serious challenges facing our public education system. Recruiting 3,500 teachers is welcome, but recruitment alone cannot resolve the crisis. For years, teachers' unions have demanded fair remuneration, improved conditions of service, housing and rural hardship allowances, and meaningful collective bargaining. These legitimate concerns remain substantially unresolved. At Mahatshula Primary School in Bulawayo, approximately 20 additional classrooms are reportedly needed, while BEAM payments are said to have been outstanding since 2022. How can schools function effectively when Government fails to honour its financial obligations? More troubling is the IMF's recent finding that Zimbabwe missed its protected social spending target despite stronger-than-expected revenue collection. Sections 65 and 75 of our Constitution protect labour rights and the right to education. These are constitutional obligations, not Government favours. Government must urgently engage teachers' unions, address conditions of service, clear BEAM arrears and adequately fund education in the 2027 National Budget. We cannot speak of Vision 2030 while neglecting the teachers responsible for educating the generation expected to realise that vision. A country that neglects its teachers compromises the future of its children. A country that compromises the future of its children compromises its own future. #EducationMatters #TeachersWelfare #DefendTheConstitution

Implement the People's Constitution Before Rushing to Implement CAB3 Two developments expose a troubling contradiction in Government's approach to constitutional governance. First, Government is rushing to align existing laws with Constitutional Amendment No. 3 (CAB3), despite substantive challenges to its validity remaining before the Constitutional Court. Second, Government now proposes to extend the Geo Pomona waste-management model to all 92 local authorities, notwithstanding the constitutional principles of devolution and local-government autonomy. Thirteen years after Zimbabweans overwhelmingly approved the 2013 Constitution, Government has still not completed the alignment of laws necessary to give full effect to its provisions, particularly those relating to devolution. Yet there is suddenly extraordinary urgency to implement CAB3, whose constitutionality remains contested. Why the haste? Constitutional restraint requires Government to consider the consequences of implementing contested provisions before the courts have determined their validity. What happens if the Constitutional Court sets aside CAB3 after Government has already amended numerous laws to implement it? Would it not be prudent to await the Court's determination? The proposed nationwide Geo Pomona rollout makes the contradiction even more glaring. Sections 264 and 276 of the Constitution recognise devolution and the right of local authorities to govern local affairs on their own initiative. Local authorities are not departments of the Presidency. They are constitutional institutions accountable to the communities they serve. Government may establish national environmental standards, but that does not automatically entitle it to impose a particular private contractor on every municipality. A presidential directive is not a substitute for constitutional devolution, lawful procurement or independent municipal decision-making. There are also unresolved public allegations concerning Geo Pomona's beneficial ownership and possible links to members of the First Family. These remain allegations, not established facts. But they reinforce the need for full disclosure of beneficial ownership, contractual arrangements, financial obligations and potential conflicts of interest. The people have a right to know who benefits from contracts ultimately financed by ratepayers. As civic actors, we will peacefully and lawfully resist attempts to undermine local-government autonomy or impose commercial arrangements outside proper constitutional and procurement processes. We insist that Government prioritise the long-overdue alignment of local-government laws with the devolution provisions of the 2013 Constitution. We support modern waste-management infrastructure. What we reject is the substitution of constitutional governance with centralised directives favouring a predetermined contractor. The Government cannot claim urgency in implementing CAB3 while postponing the implementation of the Constitution Zimbabweans approved in 2013. Implement the people's Constitution before rushing to implement the amendment they are challenging. Devolution is not a favour from central Government. It is a constitutional obligation. #DefendTheConstitution #Devolution #RestoreTheConstitution

TAGWIREI'S APPOINTMENT: THE PRESIDENT'S POWER TO APPOINT MUST BE MATCHED BY CONSTITUTIONAL RESTRAINT President Mnangagwa's appointment of Senator Kudakwashe Tagwirei as Minister of Economic Development and Investment Promotion raises serious questions that go beyond the individual appointed. 1. Conflicts of interest Mr Tagwirei has extensive commercial interests in sectors likely to be affected by decisions of his new ministry. Section 106(2)(b) of the Constitution prohibits ministers from placing themselves in situations involving a risk of conflict between their public responsibilities and private interests. What safeguards have been established to ensure compliance? 2. Chairmanship of the Land Tenure Implementation Committee Mr Tagwirei also chairs the Land Tenure Implementation Committee, which oversees the agricultural title deeds programme. This is not an interministerial Cabinet committee. Section 106(2)(a) prohibits ministers from holding another public office. Has he relinquished this chairmanship? If not, how does Government reconcile the two positions with the Constitution? 3. Outstanding corruption allegations Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga previously raised serious allegations involving Mr Tagwirei and certain business interests. These remain allegations, not findings of guilt. Nevertheless, the public deserves to know whether the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission has examined them. Accountability institutions must be allowed to discharge their constitutional responsibilities without fear or favour. 4. The unresolved CAB3 constitutional challenges Mr Tagwirei's senatorial position arises from the additional Senate seats created under Constitutional Amendment No. 3 of 2026, whose validity remains before the Constitutional Court. What happens if the Court sets aside those provisions? Section 104(3) permits a maximum of five ministers and deputy ministers appointed from outside Parliament. My understanding is that this allowance has already been exhausted. If Mr Tagwirei loses his senatorial status, his continued eligibility to serve as minister could therefore become a serious constitutional question, subject to the Court's orders. Was it not prudent for the President to await the Constitutional Court's determination before making this appointment? 5. International investment credibility Mr Tagwirei's sanctions history also raises practical questions about his ability to engage international investors and financial institutions. Government should clarify how any applicable restrictions will be managed. These are questions of constitutional governance, not personal hostility. The Constitution does not merely give the President powers. It imposes responsibilities concerning how those powers are exercised. The power to appoint is not a substitute for the duty to exercise sound constitutional judgment. Constitutional restraint is not weakness. It is responsible leadership.

The IMF reports improved economic stability, yet Zimbabwe missed its protected social spending target despite stronger-than-expected revenue. What is the value of fiscal discipline if vulnerable citizens are left behind? Fiscal discipline must protect the national balance sheet. It must also protect the citizen. #Zimbabwe #IMF

Zimbabwe has approved its Fourth Cycle UPR Report on human rights. Yet on 6 October, I personally witnessed police block a church-led National Day of Prayer in Harare. As Zimbabwe prepares to account before the international community, one question matters: Does the Zimbabwe described in the report match the Zimbabwe experienced by its citizens? Human rights must be lived, not merely reported. #Zimbabwe #UPR

Zimbabwe does not simply need more radio stations. We need plurality with diversity. 51 stations mean little if ownership and editorial perspectives remain concentrated among the same interests. As new licences are issued, the process must be transparent, fair and open to genuinely diverse voices. The test is not only: How many stations? It is also: Who owns them? Who controls them? Whose voices are heard? That is the difference between multiplying frequencies and expanding freedom.

KARIBA FERRY INQUIRY The inquiry into the Mbuya Nehanda ferry disaster is an important step. But the test is what follows: Was the ferry seaworthy? Were safety rules followed? Did regulators do their job? Will the report be published? Will its recommendations be implemented? For the 97 lives lost: Accountability must honour the dead. Reform must protect the living.

An African proverb says: “If you are a leader, be like the moon and not the sun.” The sun says: Look at me. The moon says: Look at the road ahead. Zimbabwe needs leaders who create space for others to shine, build institutions stronger than personalities and understand that political power is borrowed from the people. A leader’s greatness is not measured by how many stood in their shadow, but by how many discovered their own light. Read my full article, “Be Like the Moon, Not the Sun: The Leadership Zimbabwe Needs,” on my website: "jamesontimba.com" (jamesontimba.com

Wicknell Chivayo’s designation as a Provincial Hero is not merely ceremonial. Under Zimbabwe’s Estate Duty Act, hero designation can carry a significant fiscal consequence: exemption of the deceased estate from estate duty. That raises a legitimate public-interest question. Mr Chivayo died leaving considerable wealth whose source and accumulation had been the subject of serious, unresolved public questions. Death does not answer those questions. Neither should hero status close them. This is not about denying anyone honour in death. It is about protecting the integrity of public institutions. Where a discretionary national honour can also confer a substantial tax benefit, citizens are entitled to demand transparency and accountability. Hero status must honour service to the nation. It must never become—or appear to become—a tax sanctuary or a shield from accountability. Public honour must never mean public immunity.

I have learnt with great sadness of the tragic death of Wicknell Chivayo, his wife Lucy Muteke, and the other people who lost their lives in the helicopter crash in Marondera. Wicknell and I occupied very different spaces in our country's public life. I disagreed strongly with his politics and was publicly critical of aspects of his brand of philanthropy, the flaunting of extraordinary wealth in the midst of widespread poverty, and the unanswered questions surrounding the sources of some of that wealth and its relationship with public contracts and political patronage. Those differences were real, and death does not require us to pretend otherwise. But neither should political disagreement deprive us of our humanity. Behind every public personality is a family. Today there are children, relatives, friends and colleagues confronting the sudden loss of people they loved. Lucy's family is mourning too, as are the families of the other people who perished in this terrible accident. There will be another time for Zimbabwe to continue the important national conversations about wealth, public accountability, philanthropy, patronage and the relationship between business and political power. This morning belongs to the bereaved. I extend my sincere condolences to the Chivayo and Muteke families and to the families of all those who lost their lives. May they find strength and comfort during this profoundly difficult time. May the souls of all those who perished rest in eternal peace.

SONA TO SONA: THE ECONOMY GREW — DID THE CITIZEN? Zimbabwe recorded 8.3% growth and improved macro stability. That progress matters. Now comes the kitchen-table test: Did incomes rise? Did jobs grow? Did hospitals improve? Did social protection reach the vulnerable? Every SONA must account for the last one. Promise to performance. Growth to the kitchen table.