Matiss Mezaks (@MMezaks) header
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🇱🇻🏆champ in rally & circuit, Nordschleife adict, on Insta as matissmezaks; CEO @brcautocentrs, council member @autoasociacija, EV future🔋👍🏻 #Matissbrauc

Latvija
Joined August 2013
Photo by Matiss Mezaks (@MMezaks)Photo by Matiss Mezaks (@MMezaks)Photo by Matiss Mezaks (@MMezaks)Photo by Matiss Mezaks (@MMezaks)Photo by Matiss Mezaks (@MMezaks)Photo by Matiss Mezaks (@MMezaks)Photo by Matiss Mezaks (@MMezaks)Photo by Matiss Mezaks (@MMezaks)Photo by Matiss Mezaks (@MMezaks)Photo by Matiss Mezaks (@MMezaks)
Matiss Mezaks retweeted
Transporta un sakaru institūts pieder sānkcioneta krieva meitai, ieved tūkstošiem “studentu” Latvijā ar TUA. Tātad drošības risks 2x🤬 Laiks rīkoties - varam paši ielikt meitu sankciju sarakstā, nav jāgaida ES. Paldies @irLV par atklājumu ir.lv/rubrika/analize/sankci…
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Matiss Mezaks retweeted
“Dear Italian students, who today take to the streets carrying flags with the hammer and sickle and wearing T-shirts emblazoned with ‘CCCP’,” began an open letter in Italian by Lithuanian expat Neringa Budryt. “I would like to ask you a question: do you truly know what the symbols you carry represent? And do you know what would have happened to many of you had you openly demonstrated in countries living under the oppression of communist regimes? Let me tell you something. It is easy to display a red flag when, for you, communism is merely an abstract idea of equality, social justice, and rebellion against the system. It is easy to wear a T-shirt with "CCCP" on it when you have never experienced the reality of a communist regime. We come from that part of Europe where communism was not a T-shirt, a symbol of rebellion, or a romanticized notion of equality. It was the system in which we lived—a system we never chose. We know the history of Soviet repression, Stalinist purges, the Gulags, and mass deportations. Above all, we know the word "Siberia"—a place to which thousands of innocent people were forcibly deported, simply for thinking differently. In Siberia—amidst freezing cold, starvation, and forced labor—many lost their lives; those who survived carried the scars of that experience forever. Entire families were torn apart, and generations were denied the chance to live freely in their own homeland. In the countries of the Soviet bloc, censorship, political police, surveillance, and the suppression of dissent drastically curtailed individual freedoms. We grew up in a system where state control permeated even our daily lives. At school, we were required to wear the red necktie of the "Pioneers." We were monitored; they tracked where we went and even whether we attended church. Even faith—a choice that should belong to an individual’s own conscience—could become a cause for suspicion. We used to celebrate Christmas with our windows blacked out, to ensure no one would see us and report us. Because it was forbidden—just like so many other things: jeans, rock music, and all the symbols of a Western lifestyle. My mother returned from a Soviet labor camp. And do you know what happened to her? She was barred from continuing her education because she had been labeled an enemy of communism. Under a communist regime, you could not protest. You risked arrest, imprisonment, interrogation, persecution—and, in certain historical contexts, even death. In the Soviet Union and other communist regimes, political dissent could cost you your freedom and your life. Demonstrations independent of the authorities were not a guaranteed right; they were often suppressed by force. That is why it strikes me to see young Italians proudly displaying the hammer and sickle—symbols associated with regimes that persecuted and imprisoned millions of people. Today, you are free to take to the streets, shout against the government, criticize institutions, and wave your flags precisely because you live in a democracy that grants you these freedoms. Under an authoritarian regime of that kind, protesting against those in power could have landed you in prison. This is not about denying the existence of social injustices, inequalities, or the right to fight for a better world. You are free to take to the streets to demand a more just society—but you should not idealize a system that denied so many people the very things you are free to exercise today: the right to choose, to believe, to speak, and to dissent. Before wearing a T-shirt with "CCCP" on it, listen to those who experienced that world. Talk to the deportees and their descendants; read the accounts of those who endured the gulags and forced exile to Siberia. Learn what it meant to be stripped of your freedom, your home, your loved ones—and even any prospect of a normal life—simply because of your background or your beliefs. Before waving the hammer and sickle, please, study history thoroughly.”
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Matiss Mezaks retweeted
In 2024, the EU recycled 42.4% of all the generated plastic packaging waste. 🛍️♻️ Highest recycling rate in: 🇱🇻Latvia 71.0% 🇧🇪Belgium (58.2%) 🇵🇱Poland (56.0%) Lowest in: 🇩🇰Denmark (22.5%) 🇫🇮Finland (26.9%) 🇫🇷France (27.4%) Read more 👉link.europa.eu/77DrkP
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MAX VERSTAPPEN WAS DRIVING LIKE A MAN POSSESSED 😭🔥 A compilation of his absolutely DEMONIC stint at Portimão. (via. @formuLau16) #GTWorldEurope
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Matiss Mezaks retweeted
I am a member of the Norwegian Nobel Committee. There are five of us. Five people, appointed by a parliament most of the planet could not find on a map, who decide, once a year, which human being the world has agreed to call good. I know. I know. I think about it on the tram. We meet in a building on Henrik Ibsens gate, a street named after a man who wrote almost exclusively about people discovering they are frauds, which nobody on the committee finds funny except me. There is a room with a long table and the portraits of the dead laureates looking down, Mandela, the Dalai Lama, a great many earnest men in spectacles, and one portrait we do not discuss, which is Kissinger, 1973, awarded while the bombs were still falling, after which two of our predecessors resigned and the satirist Tom Lehrer said political satire was now obsolete. We keep him on the wall. A reminder. Every family has the uncle. It is October in Oslo, which means the sun gives up around four in the afternoon like a civil servant, and it rains the particular Norwegian rain that isn’t quite falling, just hanging there, judging you. I arrive with wet shoes. I always arrive with wet shoes. There is coffee, because this is Norway and there is always coffee, we drink more of it per person than almost anyone alive, and someone’s wife has sent kanelboller, the cinnamon buns, and we sit, five Norwegians, damp, caffeinated, sugared, and we decide the moral standing of the entire species. Let me tell you how it actually works, because the world imagines a cathedral and it is, I promise you, a book club with a mandate. 287 nominations this year. 208 people, 79 organizations. Anyone can nominate, that’s the secret nobody understands: a professor, a parliamentarian, a former laureate, so the “nominee” list is meaningless, it’s a suggestion box, and every autumn some congressman nominates his own golden retriever and the press writes “SHORTLISTED.” Nobody is shortlisted. There is no short list the public ever sees. There is us, and the coffee, and the rain, and the portraits, and a Norwegian stubbornness that is older than the prize itself. We read reports. The institute’s advisers write them, thick dull documents, and we argue. Our chairman told the BBC once that in the final meeting “there is a high temperature.” High temperature, for a Norwegian, means someone slightly raised an eyebrow and then apologized for it. We don’t do high temperature. We do a long silence, and then Kristin says “well,” and everyone knows exactly what “well” meant, and it’s settled. That’s our shouting. “Well.” You’d have to be raised here to hear the violence in it. Now. This year. I will not say the name, because we never say the name, but you know the name. A certain head of state wanted this prize the way a child wants a thing in a shop window, which is to say loudly, and in public, and with the full belief that wanting it was itself the argument. He said he deserved it. He said he’d ended eight wars, a number that grew most times he said it, like a fish. He had other heads of state phone us. Israel’s prime minister posted it on the internet, “Give him the Nobel.” The leaders of Cambodia and Pakistan announced they’d nominated him, as though announcing it were part of it, as though we tally mentions. A man flew around the globe collecting endorsements for a Norwegian committee the way you’d collect signatures for a petition to the council about a noisy dog. And here, uff da, is the detail I treasure, the one that makes me smile into my coffee. The nomination deadline is the 31st of January. He took office on the 20th. So for all the phone calls, all the posts, all the gilded lobbying, the only nominations that could possibly count for this year’s prize were filed in the first eleven days of his term, before he had, by his own arithmetic, ended a single one of the eight wars. He campaigned all year for a prize whose window had shut while he was still hanging up his coat. We didn’t have to reject him. The calendar did. We just watched. Norwegians are very good at watching. We have long winters. People think we sit there weighing his deeds. We don’t. That’s the thing I can’t make the world understand. We’re not grading his homework. We don’t owe anyone the prize for a ceasefire, however real, however loud the announcement. “He made peace” is not a sentence that ends in a medal, the way he believes it does, the way he believes every good thing ends in his name on it. The will of a dead Swede says the prize goes to whoever did the most for fraternity between nations. A dead Swede, I should add, who made his entire fortune inventing dynamite and selling arms, and spent his last years horrified at his own obituary, which called him a merchant of death, and so bought his way to immortality as a man of peace. The whole prize is one guilty arms dealer’s attempt to launder his name. We are, all of us, administering a dead man’s public relations. I find this clarifying. It keeps me humble. It should keep everyone humble, and it keeps, by my count, no one humble at all. So who did we give it to? An eighty-five-year-old woman. A judge. Born in Durban, under apartheid, granddaughter of a Tamil man who came to South Africa as indentured labor, a bus driver’s daughter from the poor Indian quarter, who became the first non-white woman to run a law practice in her province, who defended Mandela’s people when defending them was dangerous, who sat on the Rwanda tribunal and the court at the Hague, and who, at eighty-five, is right now a judge weighing whether a genocide is a genocide. When we told the world, our chairman said the rule of law “underpins the system we have set up to ensure peace,” and that “peace requires justice.” She wasn’t even in Oslo. She was in Nuremberg. In courtroom 600. The actual room where they tried the Nazis. You cannot stage that. God staged that, and God, it turns out, is a better satirist than any of us. She did not phone us. She did not post. No prime minister demanded it for her on the internet. She had, as far as our deliberations are concerned, the one qualification the loud man could never manufacture, which is that she wanted the work and not the medal. The medal finds those people. It flees the ones who chase it. This is not a rule we wrote. It’s just the only pattern the hundred-odd years of our mistakes has ever shown. The reaction from across the ocean was immediate. His spokesman posted that we “place politics over peace.” Ja. Perhaps. We’re five damp pensioners in a rainy city; of course it’s political, it was always political, it was political when we gave it to a sitting American president nine months into his first term for the promise of things he had not yet done, and we have been quietly embarrassed about that one for fifteen years, so believe me, we had a particular reason this year to prefer a woman with fifty years of verdicts behind her over a man with eight wars in front of him and a deadline already behind him. Here is what he will never understand, the thing I’d tell him on the tram if he ever took one. We are the one prize he cannot buy, cannot post his way to, cannot have a friendly dictator phone in for him. Not because we’re incorruptible, nei, we’re as vain and wrong and human as the portraits on our wall. But because the entire point of the thing, the only power a small cold country’s book club has ever held, is that it goes to the person not performing the wanting. The moment you demand it, you’ve proven you don’t understand what it’s for, and proving that is itself the disqualification. He ran the most expensive campaign in the history of the prize and the campaign was the reason. He was never losing to Navi Pillay. He was losing to the concept. It’s dark now. Four o’clock dark. The buns are gone. Kristin said “well” an hour ago and we all went home. I’m on the tram with my wet shoes, and somewhere across the water a very powerful man is explaining to a camera that the prize is rigged, that we’re corrupt, that he’ll win it next year, and he genuinely might, we’re only five idiots and we’ve been wrong before, Kissinger is still on the wall. But not this year. This year an old woman in Nuremberg, in the room where the law once stared down the exact kind of man who thinks wanting a thing loudly enough should make it his, got a phone call she didn’t ask for. That’s the job. We don’t reward the man who ends the war and announces it. We reward the woman who spent fifty years deciding what a war was. He’ll never see the difference. That’s rather the whole point of him. Takk for i dag. I have to change trams.
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Matiss Mezaks retweeted
Choosing to defend genocidal, imperialist Russia in its invasion of Ukraine instead of helping the country defending itself is the biggest stain on US history.
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Another interesting number to enquirer about: how much diesel does the #US EXPORT. As far as I know, USA has always been a major diesel exporter, covering its own internal needs and selling the surplus. So what happened now? I’ll tell you what happened. The BIG BEAUTIFUL DEAL is a BIG BEAUTIFUL SCAM. All to keep #putin happy and bombing. Since 1950s the USA has almost NEVER imported diesel. America always had more than enough to cover its own consumption. It sold an average of 1.2-1.6 million barrels A DAY of surplus diesel on global markets. And in 2026 the US is still selling abroad. 1.5 million barrels/day to be exact. To Europe and Latin America. On the rare occasion when the US did have to import, it did so from #Canada. This was a logistically logical historical arrangement benefiting North-Western States. Delivery of Canadian diesel across the border was cheaper than transporting it up all the way from the US Gulf Coast. BUT in September 2026 the TRUMP TARIFFS come into effect. Suddenly the 50% tariffs added aggressive price premiums to Canadian imports and caused a significant decline in normal cross-border logistical fuel deliveries. Could this diesel market disturbance been avoided? YES Would it have saved US from having to import from #russia? YES Would more Ukrainians have had to die for this? NO But Trump chose a different route. Diesel import from #russia is a choice, not a need for the USA. 300K barrels makes no difference for an economy that consumes 5.3 million barrels a day. 500K barrels from russia will be an equally insignificant drop in the ocean of the US market. Even 4 million barrels spread over TWO YEARS will not make the pump prices drop for American truck drivers and farmers. WHAT difference does the russia diesel import make and for WHOM? 1) putin. He gets extra cash for his war machine to keep going. Most importantly, he gets the US to send the signal globally that sanctions against russia can be eased. After all the US eased them, so others can now follow suit. This means more cash for russia to be killing more Ukrainians. 2) Trump. He gets to stay friends with putin AND continue making money of daily US diesel exports (especially now that global diesel prices are high). All while talking about saving the American farmer and truck driver. 3) Americans. Will not get lower diesel prices and will not get more diesel (not that they don’t have enough of what is produced in-country). 4) Ukrainians. Will suffer more attacks from russia, who was going to intensifying the bombing campaign anyway, but now will do so even more emboldened by the USA. 5) President @ZelenskyyUa and Ukrainian military will need to carry out more attacks on rusdisn oil sector. Without patriots and US support, it’s the only way for the Ukrainian president to protect the people.
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Trump saves the day for Putin. Just as Ukraine was changing the direction of the war by inflicting real economic pain on Putin by hitting his oil refineries, Trump steps in and agrees to buy Russian diesel. Now Trump can say that Ukraine is bombing American interests and they better stop. Up until today, there was a real chance of an unspoken aerial cease fire if Russian could no longer tolerate the pain, but that has now disappeared
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How much longer will this be tolerated? putin’s bitch in full force… Land of the free 🇺🇸, where are you? Being owned by the ruzzians. Pathetic…
This isn’t a massive amount of oil. It’s 15 hours worth of monthly diesel supply. But this accomplishes three very ugly things: 1) Trump can threaten Ukraine if they bomb any more of Putin’s oil refineries. 2) This can be used as a pretext for why Trump insiders can do dirty business deals with Russia. 3) This can open the door for more sanctions relief for Putin.
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Matiss Mezaks retweeted
Putin’s circle and SVR built an entire network to steal seats in Latvia’s Oct. 3 election. Kremlin Baltic chief Balobayev runs it from Moscow. SVR chief Sorokopud works from Riga embassy, tracking NATO ties, Ukraine aid and people close to government, The Insider. 1/
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Damn Ukraine! 😂
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Ar neviltotu interesi uzklausīšu to policaju pirmo versiju .. un tad to nākamo ! Par ārkārtīgi steidzamo izsaukumu ... Un jā...ceru , ka kādi kārtējie ībļi neprasīs tagad Dombravam atkāpties ! Jo viņs taču tagad atbildīgs par visām tām lauku un vatņiku sejām , kas policijā savākti. Tikai atgādinu , iepriekš Kozlovskis tur muļķi laida praktiski DESMIT !!! gadus. Valsts sekretāra izstrādājums Dmitrijs Petrovs tur arī ekselenti sēž no 2017.gada. Rukus un evučus , kas VIP tribīnēs šiki kopā tusēja, pat nepieminēšu . Rajevu , kas tur pasēdējā parlamentārajos, vērojot tur sava svara pieaugumu... vienlaicīgi strauji salāpot un uzlabojot savu finasnu stāvokli . Apvienojot to ar pamuldēšanu kopā ar otru tarkšķi Bogustovu. Klarēdams savas versijas , kas un kā būs Ukrainas frontē . Kā viņam tas ir sanācis , piektajā kara gadā, katrs sakarīgs vecis lai spriež pats. Ja par mani , tad arī Slaidiņa atklāsmes, neskatoties uz Levita strauji izniegtajiem majora uzplečiem - uzskatu par mazvērtīgām. Atgriežoties... par slapju malku uzskatu arī pilnīgi visus tos smieklīgos parlamentāros sekretārus vismaz pēdējo 20 gadu laikā arīdzan. Domāju , ka vispār visi šie parlamentārie sekretāri ir tik pat nepieciešami kā ausu kociņi ar to vates pikuci dupša noslaucišanai . It kā ir un varētu , bet jēgas ta nekādas . Mūsu policaji paspēs nofilmēt , uzlīmēt plāksterus, iebāzt krūmos zīmes un trijkājus. Izmērīt zāles garumu ,sodīt par Ukrainas karogu Ādažu privātmājas mastā. Parunāties čomiski ar vatņikiem , kas priekš sava tiktok kontenta savu kārtējo pukina naratīvu šļuru filmēs , viņi nevarēs tikt galā ar Jēkabpils slepkavu Rusiņu, bet sparīgi ķersies klāt mēģinot sataisīt sūdus krietnajam vīram Gundaram Kalvem, kas to okupantu pieminekli iegāž Daugavā . Un tie policaji pacentīsies tā , ka Gundaru vēl atskaitīs no Zemessardzes. Tikai 2022.g, augustā tie centīgie izmekletāji liksies mierā , jo karš Ukrainā jau iet vairāk kā pusgadu. Un pieņem likumu par okupekļu demontāžu. Ja nebutu tā likuma un to Ukrainas notikumu . Būtu cītīgi ņemušies tālāk. Policistu ir pilna Vecrīga, bet uz pulksteņveikala aplaupīšanu ieradīsies tieši tik vēlu , lai aplaupītaji būtu aizlaidušies . Un ar visu to kameru tīklu , nogulēs arī viņu aizbraukšanu pa tiltu ... to visu viņi nevarēs . Toties viņi minūtes laikā pamanīs to santehniķa mazo furgoniņu , kas pa dienu strādājot Vecrīgas objektā pie Krievu teātra , vakarā atbrauc no turienes savākt metināmo aparātu, lielo gāzesbalonu , darbarīkus .. bet viņš nejauši tajā stūrī tomēr nepamana to jocīgo STOP zīmi. Un tad tādi RMP ir klāt divos busiņos , viņi protams momentāli soda , tad kaut ko nesaprot par cilvēka reģistrācijas adresi , soda vēlreiz , un tad noskaidro , ka tam santehniķim ir pirms četrām dienām beidzies mediciniskās apskates papīrs , nē viņi nebrīdina -viņu soda trešo reizi ! Un vēl viņi liek pūst trubiņā 3 reizes pēc kārtas un trīs reizes redz nulli. Policaju preilenei tomēr liekas, ka ja tāds lēnīgs, tad tomēr dzēris. Un izsauc vēl ceļu policiju. Jo tas santehniķis ir vienkārši noguris pēc smagās darba dienas un pilnīgi apjucis no tā visa . Un tad viņi brauc nodot asinis vēlreiz - un atkal nulle promiles. Tas cilvēks ir pilnīgi apjucis ... jo viņam nav bijuši nekādi satiksmes pārkāpumi pēdējo 17 gadu laikā. Pat šajā ārkārtīgi policejiski uzmanītajā valstī ! Kur dabūt naudas par kaut ko , pat īsti nesapratu par ko ! Ir ārkārtīgi vienkārši. Un tas apjukušais cilvēks , tad nu ir mans klusais foršais un lādzīgais kaimiņš. Es to uzzinu , tad man par šo visu apskrienas dūša ,es uzvelkos , zvanu čomam ar ko kopā copēju , kas ir foršs laivas biedrs, un pie visa arī galīgi neslikts un nīgrs advokāts . Kurš visu to sūdaino LV policaju sistēmu zina pat parāk labi . Un tad mēs braucam un noskaidrojam , ka ar to pierakstu viss ir bijis kārtībā, bet viņu sistēmā ir bijuši kaut kādi gļuki . Ka tas Dobeles skuķis, skolas divniekmaiss un tagad policizstrādājums, kas tagad nu Rīgā un RMP busā jūtas kā Visuma valdniece , un imbeciliskā rokrakstā drukā busiņā tagad protokolu pēc protokola . Jo tiem tajā represīvajā strukturā pienākas 40% no iekasētajiem sodiem/obrokiem ! Ka tā ir sajukusi un nepareizi sapratusi mēneša un datuma rakstīšanas secību tajā medicīniskaja doķī. Un šos divus sodus ar nelielu uzārdīšanos tagad anulē! Un vēl izrādās , ka to trešo reiz atsakoties pūst tajā trubiņā , tas ir ticis uzskatīts par pretošanos un huliganisku rīcību pret policiju un ir bijis ceturtais protokols . Un tad mēs tiekam līdz to laiku Valsts policijas priekšnieka vietniekam A. Velšam , kurš uzklausa , visu saprot, it kā noskaidro , piekrīt , ka nav bijis korekti un apsola to sakārtot un dos rīkojumu atcelt. Bet .... 4 mēnešus vēlāk , kaimiņam tomēr pienāk ierakstīta vēstule par šā soda iekasēšanu ar visiem uzrēķiniem un pribambasiem. Lai gan izejot gadskārtejo TA divus mēnešus agrāk, kaimiņam CSDD nekas par uzliktu neasamaksātu sodu nebija parādījies. Nu i samaksāja un miers . Tad nu trijatā ar kaimiņu un manu čomu iemalkojām mūsmājas garāžā , tādu smalkāku visīti advokāta atvesto visīti , un kura pirmais tosts bija - Veči , es šito paceļu par veiksmi bezcerīgās lietās ... jūs pat aptvert nevarat , kādus apbrīnojamus dolb... un apgaismotos es tajās iekšlietu struktūrās pārsvarā sastopu . Tikmēr tāds pulkvedis Velšs pēc īsa brīža kļūst par ģenerāli , šmuces šim ir sakrājies pārāk daudz, žurnālisti sāk šo un to rakt, noskaidrot un šamais vēl pēc diviem gadiem ar ģenerāļa činu steidzīgi notinas . Žanra klasika - veselības dēl... jau 2019.g. 46 gadu vecumā . Tagad viss ok. Ar veselību viss ir pilnīgākā kārtībā vēl arvien . Zeļ un plaukst. 😏 Šiverē pa TV , iekrāmējas partijā , taisās par deputātu , eksperts , docents un blablabla un utt . Vada savas ģenerāļa jaukās pensijas dienas 52 gadu vecumā jau septīto gadu . Un tādu nākamo ģenerāļu tur tajās iekšlietās pietiek . Nezinu , kapēc šo visu uzrakstīju . Varbūt tāpēc , ka ātri drukāju. 🤔 Bet varbūt tāpēc , ka man ir sajūta , ka uz tiem mundieriem, nu jau ir pārāk daudz pleķu . Un tos netīrākos mundierus no tās policijas saimniecības ir jāmet ārā. Pārāk šmucīgi un novalkāti. Vajag jaunus un citādākus , nu vismaz nedaudz labākas kvalitātes . Bet nu tas, kas šito manu viedo prātulu izlasīja līdz galam... Nu tas gan lai zina - ka ir riktīgs malacis .👊😎 nitter.gq/saliktengriba/status/2…
Labvakar @Valsts_policija @janisdombrava ! Kāpēc Valsts policija medijiem izplatīja informāciju, ka VP busiņš braucis pie zaļās gaismas? Šajā video acīmredzams, ka trolejbuss brauca pie tīra zaļā un vienīgie vainīgie pie 9 ievainotajiem šeit ir policijas busiņš. 🤬🤬🤬
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Missile remains lying on a Ukrainian race circuit, the morning after a huge attack that killed children. And the @fia think russia should be allowed back into the global community of racing?! 🤮
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Pathetic decision. Until all of the scumbags are out of Ukraine, no athletes from ruZZia should be allowed to compete in any international competition.
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Šis nav ok
Zinājāt, ka elektroautomašīnām numura zīmes CSDD izsniedz bezmaksas? Tas ir "instruments zaļā kursa veicināšanai". Tikmēr ja gribi reģistrēt skrejriteni, velo un elektrovelo - tas vairs nav zaļais kurss un atlaides nav. 🤣
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Luminor pārdošana OTP ir skaidrs signāls no DnB, ka šajā tirgū viņi ir paņēmuši visu ko gribēja, nākotnes riski priekš pragmatiskā skandināvu bankinga paliek arvien neskaidrāki, tāpēc ir īstais laiks notirgot aktīvus puspelēkajai Ungāru bankai, kas Baltiju pielīdzina sev zināmākiem tirgiem - Moldovai, Uzbekistāna un Krievijai.
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Matiss Mezaks retweeted
🚗Rallija ātrumposms vai Nurburingas aplis? @F1LV @MMezaks ⬇️⬇️⬇️ youtube.com/watch?v=6ZcYSM94…
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Matiss Mezaks retweeted
One question about Russian mindset has been stuck in my head for a long time🇷🇺🤔 What the fuck was the Kremlin thinking? Seriously. Russia had trade with Europe. It was making money from oil and gas. It had influence. It had Crimea. It had Donbas under constant pressure. It wasn’t isolated. Then it launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Did they really believe Ukrainians wouldn’t fight? Did they really believe the West would just sit back and watch? Did they really think nuclear threats would make everyone surrender? Or did they simply believe that force always wins because that’s the only language they’ve known for generations? Whatever the answer is, this has turned into one of the biggest strategic miscalculations of the 21st century.
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