1/2 This morning my home was searched. Later I was formally named a suspect and served with the prosecution's motion asking a court to impose a preventive measure. Let me correct one thing straight away, because it is already circulating online: no one detained me. Together with my lawyers I am calmly preparing for the hearing. I have given the investigation my full cooperation and I am ready to answer every question through the procedures the law provides. I do not question the right of the investigators to do their job. Accountability applies to everyone, myself included. I have spent too long proving to our partners that the law works the same way for everyone to start claiming an exception for myself now. The fragments of conversations being released today in pieces and out of context I will address once I have seen the case file. Social media is not where the truth gets established. Together with my lawyers I will set out a detailed position on the substance of each episode. Today I submitted my resignation. I will defend my good name myself, without making the state a party to this fight. I am grateful for the chance to spend more than four years on what I consider my life's work: holding russia and its top leadership accountable for aggression, restoring justice for our people, and securing compensation for the damage done to us. We built the legal foundations of an unprecedented accountability system from scratch. One step remained, the most important and the most difficult: ratification and launch. For the first time in history, while a war is still going on, we prepared the legal basis for a Special Tribunal for the crime of aggression. We came into that process when the negotiations had effectively stopped and were close to collapse. At the cost of serious diplomatic effort we found a compromise, and in three months we moved from deadlock to a working formula, which became the Statute of the Special Tribunal. Last year Ukraine signed the agreement with the Council of Europe on its establishment. Then came a delay over the budgetary and security questions around where the tribunal would sit. We resolved them, and this year 36 states and the European Union adopted the Enlarged Partial Agreement on the Management Committee. The Council of Europe, with European Union support, set up the Special Tribunal Advance Team, which is already preparing the tribunal for launch. We designed an international compensation mechanism and persuaded 94 states to support it. The Register of Damage for Ukraine in The Hague has gone from an idea nobody believed in to a working institution: 170,000 claims from people who lost their homes, their health, the people closest to them. The first damage categories for the state and for business are now open. After two years of difficult negotiation, the Convention establishing the International Claims Commission for Ukraine has been signed by 40 states and the European Union. Nine ratifications are in, and everything now depends on how quickly the twenty-five needed to launch the Commission come in. Both instruments still need a great deal of diplomatic work to get partner parliaments to ratify quickly. Around three hundred billion dollars of russian sovereign assets are frozen around the world, and until recently the fate of a large part of that money depended, every six months, on the agreement of every single European Union capital. One vote was enough to send it back to russia. After years of hard negotiation, the European Union moved to open-ended immobilisation. That risk is now off the table for good. I consider this the single most important technical result of all this work, even though it has no memorable name and will never make a headline.