AdeleBW

Now that the midterms are over, let me correct the record.  -I wasn't handpicked by Chuck Schumer. I didn't even talk to the man until after I announced.  I’m not sure exactly what a corporate or establishment Dem is, but I’m pretty sure it’s not a first-time candidate or a career military guy. Call me a moderate, I’ll take it. I always think big, but I don’t let idealism get in the way of getting a job done. I’m practical and would take Medikids and lower age limits for Medicare to expand healthcare and drive down costs over nothing at all. In 2028 after a Dem trifecta, I expect bold moves. -Be an asshole and call me a carpetbagger! So I moved here four years ago, AFTER SERVING IN THE FOR 21 years. I'm here with my family, raising my daughter, and caring for my elderly parents in SoFlo. I decided to run because it was clear that the midterms would trigger a Blue Tsunami, because Trump sucks. And I saw a path to win the general election. I jumped-in to help. Call it a call to serve. Same one from a lifetime of service. Let's just say I was very skeptical, because hey its Florida, but I wasn't going to sit on my ass when the stakes were so high. No I didn’t move to Florida to run for Senate! 🙄 -I have some regrets, but even in losing, I delivered 1.5M to Florida candidates and to races that would have otherwise been left short-changed. I feel that in some small way I pitched in to help break the super majorities in the Florida House and Senate. -I invested 3M in total to campaigns and parties around the country including Iowa, Ohio, Alaska, etc., including in Kansas and South Carolina when few were looking there. -I wish I had chosen to outspend Angie 20, 10, or even 5 to 1 on the primary. I only spend 2:1 on the primary. Obviously a HUGE mistake. I was too focused on defeating Moody and building real democratic power. -Angie was tireless in making her case to primary voters, while I was trying to connect with potential crossover voters without first securing my base.  -I neglected to heed the old maxim always fight and finish the battle in front of you. -I never took a penny from AIPAC. Those claiming otherwise, when they knew better, were playing to the old Jewish dual allegiance troupe.

The greatest danger facing Democrats after our historic victory is that the radical Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and its allies will claim credit for a victory they did nothing to deliver then use that false narrative to seize control of our party's future. Democratic leaders must act decisively now to isolate these extremists, minimize their influence, and prevent their radical agenda from defining our party. The election results tell the story. According to New York Times polling, Democrats won an estimated 56% of the national House vote to 43% for Republicans, a stunning 15-point shift toward our party since 2024. The shift was 33 points among voters under 30, 29 points among Hispanics, 18 points among men, and 14 points among white voters without college degrees. This was a sweeping national repudiation of Donald Trump and his administration, extending far beyond the Democratic Party's traditional base. Now look at where the DSA candidates won. All eight DSA-endorsed House winners, including six newly elected representatives, prevailed in reliably Democratic districts. Not a single one flipped a competitive Republican-held seat. Their strategy was to mobilize relatively small groups of highly motivated voters to win Democratic primaries, then coast to victory in overwhelmingly Democratic districts. Meanwhile, mainstream Democrats expanded our House majority by winning competitive districts and persuading voters who were not already committed to our party. The DSA benefited from the Democratic wave without in any way demonstrating that its radical ideology could win the swing voters whose support determines control of Congress. Worse, the DSA cost Democrats votes and potentially winnable races. In Florida, DSA member Angie Nixon defeated decorated Army veteran Alex Vindman in the Democratic Senate primary, then lost to Republican Ashley Moody by just 2.9 points. That narrow margin raises the distinct possibility that a more broadly appealing candidate like Vindman could have won. The DSA's radical platform also handed Republicans powerful ammunition against mainstream Democrats. The organization calls for abolishing the Senate, fundamentally restructuring the presidency and Supreme Court, phasing out police and prisons, and bringing major corporations under public ownership. Incoming Congresswoman Melat Kiros said America deserved the September 11 terrorist attacks and Incoming Congresswoman Darializa Avila Chevalier attending rally celebrating the October 7 Hamas massacre and led an organization that called for the “total eradication of Western civilization.” Republicans eagerly exploited these controversies to portray mainstream Democrats as extremists. Those attacks would have been far more damaging had the country not turned so decisively against Donald Trump. The DSA's electoral strategy poses a serious long-term threat to our party. By targeting low-turnout primaries in overwhelmingly Democratic districts, its strategy is to win congressional seats without demonstrating meaningful national support for their agenda, then exploit congressional visibility and social media controversy to build political power. The organization's own “dirty break” strategy envisions using the Democratic ballot line to build an independent socialist movement. Shame on us if we allow them to use our party as a vehicle for their radical agenda. The incoming House will have eight DSA-endorsed representatives and perhaps five additional members of the broader far-left coalition. But with Democrats approaching a majority of 85 seats, these extremists will lack the leverage that allowed a handful of Freedom Caucus Republicans to hold their party hostage and ultimately topple Speaker Kevin McCarthy. A Democratic majority of roughly 260 seats could withstand more than 40 defections on ordinary party-line votes. Mainstream Democrats can govern without depending on the DSA and, when appropriate, cooperate with pragmatic Republicans such as David Joyce and members of the bipartisan Problem Solvers Caucus. Hakeem Jeffries and the House Democratic leadership must deny DSA-backed extremists positions of influence, assign them the least consequential committees, and limit their access to party resources and leadership opportunities. Chuck Schumer and Senate Democrats must similarly prevent DSA-aligned politicians, including incoming Michigan Senator Abdul El-Sayed, from gaining disproportionate influence by giving them the worst possible committee assignments and fewest opportunities for additional exposure. The DSA, in other words, must not be allowed to hijack a Democratic victory it did nothing to deliver. Americans delivered a powerful repudiation of Donald Trump's leadership and a demand for change. Democrats now have a historic opportunity to respond with a positive, patriotic, common-sense agenda for national renewal that brings Americans together and builds a stronger, more prosperous, more inclusive country. We must seize that opportunity rather than surrender our party's future to a small faction advancing an agenda far outside the American mainstream. The future of the Democratic Party must be determined by the broad coalition of Americans who delivered this historic victory, not by the extremists who hope to exploit it. Fortunately, the election results give Democratic leaders an extraordinary opportunity to stop this.