Fascism (populism, totalitarian control, anti-democracy, militarism and violence, propaganda based on lies, and appeals to emotion, etc.) is taking shape in Tigray without the necessary conditions to sustain it.
Face the Truth!
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My Views on the War-Displaced People
Above politics and all other considerations, humanity must come first.
1. Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) must be freed from the grip of political manipulation and allowed to make their own choices about their future.
2. They have the right to secure their well-being, self-administration, and peace.
All stakeholders must support and respect these choices.
3. The existing administrative and security structures in Western Tigray must be dismantled before returnees are able to go back to their homes.
4. Independent oversight must be ensured both before and after their return to safeguard their rights, dignity, and long-term security.
Let us stand with the truth and with humanity.
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ብሙሉእ ስእሊ ንመልከት::
ብሄራዊ ዘተን ብሄራዊ ዕርቅን ዝተኣሳሰሩ ኣምራት እዮም:: ብሄራዊ ዕርቂ ኣብ ሕሉፍን ሕዚን ዝርኣዩ ዘለው ዘይምዕሩያት ፖለቲካዊ ርክባትን ንሳቶም ዝፈጠርዎ ቅርሕንትታትን ብምልዛብ ምትእምማን ንምፍጣር ኣብ ሕሉፍ ዝተፈፀሙ ጉድኣታት ኣፍልጦ ንምሃብ ሓበራዊ ስኒት ንምዕሟቕ ዝጠቕሙ ከይድታት ንምህንዳስ ዝጠቅም መሳርሒ እዩ::
ብሄራዊ ዘተ ድማ ኣብ መፃኢና ወሰንቲ ዝኾኑ ጉዳያት(ሉኣላውነት፣ምሕደራ፣ ብሄራዊ መንነትን ባህግን፣ ኣፈታትሓ ጎነፃት ወዘተርፈ) ኣብ ሞንጎ ዝተረሓሓቐ ኣጠማምታ ዘለዎም ተዋሳእቲ ኣካላት ምርድዳእ ንምፍጣር ዝዓለመ ከይዲ እዩ::
ዘተ ፍልፍል ብሄራዊ ፀገማትና መርሚርና ኣብ መፍትሕታቱ ምርድዳእ ብምፍጣር ኣብ መፃኢና ምትእምማን የስፍን :: ዕርቂ ድማ ኣብ ምትእምማን ዝተመስረተ ዘተ ንምግባርን ብስኒት ንቕድሚት ክንጥምትን የገልግል::
ብሄራዊ ጉባኤ ዘድሊ ድማ ከይዲ ዘተን ብሄራዊ ዕርቅን ትካላዊ መስርሕ ንምሓዝ እዩ:: ስለዝኾነ ብሄራዊ ዘተ ካብ ዕርቂ ወፃእ ወይ ብግልባጡ ምሕሳብ ወይ ድማ ብሄራዊ ጉባኤ ካብ ክልቲኦም ዛዕባታት ወፃእ ብውፅኢቱ ናይ ባዶ ቃላት መፅብዓታት እምበር ድሌት ሓቀኛ ለውጢ ክገልፅ ኣይኽእልን::
ምስ ሓቂ ንሳነ!!
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ቅዋም ሓሳብ:-
ትግራይ መሸንበባ ጉዳይ ቀይሕ ባሕሪ ደኒና ክተሕልፎ ኣይትኽእልን:: ዘለዋኣ መማረፂታት ክልተ እየን:: እታ ሓንቲ ብሄራዊ ስትራቴጅያዊ ጥቕማ እተረጋግፀሉ ሕርያ እንተህልዋን ኣብቲ ሕርያ ኩሉ ትግራዋይ ኣዕሲላ ክትደራደር ዘኽእላ ቁመና ምፍጣርን እያ:: እታ ካልኣይቲ በቲ ሕዚ እትኸዶ ዘላ መንገዲ ዓቕምታታ ኣብ ፅምዶታት በቲና ንባዕላ መጋርያ እቶም ተናሓናሕቲ ምግባር እያ::
መቸስ እታ ካልኣይቲ ኩነታት ክትፍጠር ዝደሊ ትግራዋይ ይህሉ እዩ ኢለ ንምሕሳብ የፀግመኒ እዩ:: ስለዝኾነ እቲ ሕቶ እታ ቀዳመይቲ ኩነታት ንክትፍጠር እንታይ ይገበር ዝብል እዩ::
ፈለማ እቲ ኩነታት ናይ ትግራይ መፃኢ ዕድል ዝቐርፅ ጉዳይ ምኻኑ ክንቅበል ኣለና:: ስለዝኾነ ብዝኾኑ ፖለቲካዊ ጉጅለታት ወይ ከዓ ውልቀ ሰባት ዕድል ትግራይ ክውሰን ክንፈቅድ የብልናን:: ህዝቢ ትግራይ ድሌቱን ውሳንኡን ከዕርፈሉ ኣለዎ::
ሕዚ ግና ቅቡልነት ዘለዎ መንግስቲ ኣይብልናን:: እቲ ሕዚ ዘሎ ምምሕዳር ድማ ኣብ ትሕቲ ፅልዋ ፌደራል መንግስትን ሙሉእ ቁፅፅር "ህወሓትን" ዝወደቐ ምኻኑ ድማ ዝገድደደ ይገብሮ::
ብምኻኑ እቲ እንኮ መፍትሒ ንኹሉ ትግራዋይ ዝውክል ብሄራዊ ጉባኤ ብተነፃፃሪ ተኣማንነትን ነፃነትን ዘለዎም ተጋሩ ኣዳላውነት ይወደብ::ኣብቲ ጉባኤ ናይ ትግራይ ህልውና ዝውስኑ ጉዳያት ይወገኑ:: እቲ ጉባኤ ነቲ ግዝያዊ መንግስቲ ነቲ ሕዚ ዝምዕብል ዘሎ ኩነታት ብዝምጥን መንገዲ የመዓራርዮ::
ምስ ሓቂ ንሳነ!!
When we Tigreans speak of national reconciliation, it means reflecting honestly on the past and paving the way for the future by avoiding grudges and rejecting revenge. It requires addressing political, historical, and moral issues with sincerity. Unity cannot be built on denial of the truth; only by facing the truth can it be achieved.
Face the truth!!
The question of the people of South Tigray is not about being administered by leaders chosen through kinship, but about being governed with justice and through the free choice of the people.
Face the truth!
In South Tigray, silence is emerging as a form of resistance against oppression. Forcing the people’s justice question into silence through coercion and sabotage is not a triumph, but rather the planting of a seed of self-inflicted failure.
Face the truth!
The plight of the displaced people of West Tigray has been shamelessly turned into a political power trap by both the TPLF factions and the Ethiopian government.
Their maneuvering raises a stark question: do both sides actually want to bury the Pretoria Agreement and if so, at what cost to our people?
This human tragedy is now being weaponized as a tool of gaslighting, used to silence, discredit, and delegitimize every initiative that dares to confront Tigray’s suffering.
In truth, this is not just a political issue, it is the defining national test of our generation, a struggle between justice and betrayal.
ሙሉጌታ ገብረዝግኣብሄር (PHD) ኣብ ትዊተር ገፁ ንትርጉምን ኣድላይነትን ብሄራዊ ዕርቂ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝዘርግሖ ሓሳብ ኣሎ:: የቐንየለይ ፕሮፍ ግዜ ሂብካ ሓሳብካ ስለዘካፈልካና:: ኣነ ዘለኒ ኣጠማምታ ድማ ከምዝስዕብ ክገልፅ ይፈቐደለይ::
1) መጀመርያ ዕርቂ ዘድሊ ምስ ባዕልና እዩ:: ንቕድሚት ክንስጉም እንትንሓስብ ኣብ ሕሉፍናን ህልዊ ኩነታትና ሕድሕድና ብኣወንታ ይኹን ብኣሉታ ዝነበረና ግደ ኣመልኪትና self reflection ንግበር:: ሰኺና ሓቂ ንመርምር ምስ ክውንነት ክንተዓረቕ ንሞክር:: ካብ blame game ወፂእና ሓላፍነት ንውሰድ:: ናይ ፍርሒ፣ ብድዐ፣ ፅልኣት፣ሕፍረት፣ ሕነ ምፍድዳይ ወዘተርፈ ስምዒታት ዝሰግር ውነ ንስራዕ:: ልብናን ኣእምሮናን ንምድምማፅ፣ ንይቕረታ፣ ንፍትሕን ልዝብን ንኽፈቶ ማለት እዩ::
2) ብሄራዊ ዝብል ከም unit analysis ውሰዶ::ብሄራዊ ዕርቂ (ልዝብ) ዝብል እውን ትግራይ ብዓዳ ከም ብሄር ሕሉፋ ገምጊማ ንቕድሚት ትጠምት እዩ ዝበሃል ዘሎ::
3) ኣብ ሕሉፍና ዓርሰ ገምጋም ክንገብር እንተኾይና ኣብ ሳይንሳዊ ኣገባብ ተመስሪትና ንኹልና ዘረዳድኡና ሓቅታት ብትካላዊ መስርሕ ንመሚ::ነዚ ድማ ንኹሉ ትግራዋይ ዘሳተፈ ሓቀኛ ብሄራዊ ጉባኤ ይሰየም እዩ ዝበሃል ዘሎ::
4) ዝተዛብዐ ርክባት (ብውሕዱብperception ደረጃ ኣሎ እዩ)ንምስትኽኻል እውን ፍትሒ ብዘረጋግፅ መንገዲ ንኺዶ እዩ::
5)ንባዕልና ክነታልል እንተዘይኮይና ኣብ ሕሉፍ ታሪኽና ዘይንረዳድኣሎም ጉዳያት ብዙሓት እዮም:: እዚ ዘይምርድዳእ ናብቲ ሕዛዊ ዘለናሉ ኩነታት ክንወድቕ ካብዝገበሩ ምኽንያታት እቲ ሓደ እዩ::እዚ ብልዝብን ነቲ ልዝብ ንዝድግፉ ሓቅታትን ኣፍልጦ ብምሃብ ጥራሕ እዩ ዝስተኻኸል::
6) ሕዚ ኣብ ትግራይ ዘሎ ፀገም ቀንዲ ምኽንያት ስርዓታዊ እዩ:: ስርዓት ክብል እንተለኹ መስፍናዊ ፖለቲካዊ ባህልና፣ ምምሕዳራዊ ውቕርና፣ ናይ ሃፍቲ ክፍፍል ስርዓትና፣ ርክባትና፣ ዓለማዊ ኣጠማምታና፣ ቁጠባዊ መዋቕርና፣ ስነልቦናዊ ውቕርና ወዘተርፈ ዘጠቓለለ እዩ:: እዙይ ዝፈጠሮ ዘይምዕሩይን መጟነይን ኩነታት ኣሎ:: ኣብ ትግራይ ዲሞክራሲ ከይዕንብብን ትግራይ ንቕድሚት ከይትስጉምን ዓጊቱ ዝሓዘ ፈተና እዩ:: እታ ኣኽሱማዊት ትግራይ ኣብዘይኮነ ቦታ እያ ወዲቓ ዘላ::እዚ ክንሰግሮ ኣለና:: ስለዚ እውን እዩ reconciliation ዘድልየና ዘሎ::
7) ሕዚ ኣብ ትግራይ ዘሎ ሓቂ ንተጋሩ ሰብ ዋናን ጏናን ጌሩ ዝፈለየ እዩ:: ትግራይ ንኹሉ ትግራዋይ ማዕረ ትብፃሕ እያ ዝብል እምነት ብውሕዱ ብብርኪ ግንዛበ (perception) የለን:: ብጭቡጥ እውን ኣብ ስልጣን ኣብ ሃፍቲ ክፍፍል ኣይንፀባረቕን:: እዚ ኩነታት ሓቀኛ ዓርሰ ገምግምን ድርድርን መስርሕ ጥራሕ እዩ ዝስተኻኸል:: ነዚ እውን እዩ reconciliation program ዘድልየና::
8 ብውሕዱ ድማ ከም ምሁራት ዕርቂ ንትግራይ የድሊ ድዩ ኣየድልን ዝብል ሕቶ ብሳይንሳዊ መንገዲ መርሚርና ንብፅሓዮ:: ኣነ ዘቕረብኩዎ hypothetical ፅሑፍ ኣንቢብካ argue ይገበር::
ምስ ሓቂ ንሳነ!!
ሎምዓንቲ ኣብ መቐለ ብዛዕባ ኣድላይነት ብሄራዊ ዕርቂ (ልዝብ) ኣብዘዳለኹዎ ፅሑፍ ተመስሪትና ኣብ ብራኸ ሾው ምስ ዝተፈለለየ ኣጠማምታ ዘለዎም ምሁራት ተጋሩ ዘተ ኣካይድና:: ኣብቲ መድረኽ ካብ ህወሓት፣ ዓረና፣ ውናት፣ ኣኽሱማዊ ዋዕላ፣ ዝተወከሉን ከምኡ እውን ብውልቀ ንባዕሎም ዝውክሉን ተጋሩ ተሳቲፎም::
እቶም ተሳተፍቲ ኣብቲ መድረኽ ንዘርኣዩዎ ምክብባር ዝተመልኦ መሰተጋብርን: ኣብ ኣለሻ መፍትሒ ፀገም ትግራይ ዘለዎም ናይ ሓባር ኣድህቦን ክርኢ እንተለኹ ተቐራሪብና ልዝብ እንተጌርና ካብ ዕንክሊል ክንውፅእ እንኽእለሉ ዕድል ከምዘሎ ዘርኢ እዩ ነይሩ::
ኮይኑ ግና ካብ ብዝሕ ዝበለ ተሳታፋይ ኣብቲ ናይቲ ኣጀንዳ ኣድላይነትን እዋናውነት ካብዘልዐልዎ ሕቶ ብተወሳኺ:- ትግራይ ዝተበኣሱ ብሄረሰባት ስለዘይብላ ብሄራዊ ዕርቂ ዘይኮነስ ብሄራዊ ዘተ እዩ ዘድልያ፣ እቲ ተፈጢሩ ዘሎ ፀገም ናይ ፖለቲካ ልሂቃን ፀገም እምበር ናይ ህዝቢ ኣይኮነን፣ስልጣንን ጥቕምን መሰረት ዝገበረ ምትፍናን ድማ ብደርባዊ ቃልሲ እዩ ዝፍታሕ ኢሎም ዝሞጎቱ እንትኸውን ውሑዳት ድማ ኣብ መፃኢና ብሓባር ንምዕሳል ኣብ ሕሉፍን ህልውን ኩነታና ሓቅን ፍትሕን መሰረት ዝገበረ ዓርሰ ገምጋም የድልየና እዩ:: ልዝብ ዘድሊ ግድን ባእሲ ስለዘሎን ምስ ደገን ጥራሕ ብዝተፈጠረ ጎንፅን ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ ካብ ቀያዱ (ጨቋኒ) ስርዓት ናብ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት ንምስግጋር እውን ዝካየድ ዓርሰ ገምጋም መሰረት ናይ ዝገበር ስግግር መሳርሒ እዩ ወዘተ...ብዝብል ተሟጊቶም::
ብጣዕሚ ውሑዳት ኣባይ ብዝፀንሖምግጉይ perception ምኽንያት ናይቲ ዛዕባ ቀንዲ ትሕዝቶ ዘዛብዕ ነጥብታት እኳ እንተልዓሉ ኣብቲ መድረኽ ገዛኢ ኣይነበረን::
ብድምር ካብቲ መድረኽ ዝውሰድኩዎ ነገር reconciliation ዝብል ኣምር ዘለና ርድኢት ንምዕሟቕ ከቢድ ፃዕሪ ዝሓትት ጉዳይ ካብ ምኻኑ ብተወሳኺ ነገራት እንጥምተሉ መንገዲ ፖለቲካ ጥራሕ ምግባር፣ ትግራይ ብዓይኒ ደርባዊ ቃልሲ ምርኣይ፣ ሓቅን ክውንነትን ብኣመክንዮን ዘይኮነስ ብፍረጃ ምድምዳም ወዘተርፈ ዝመሳሰሉ ንምስትኽኻል ኣድላይነት እቲ ልዝብ ዓብዩ ምኻኑ ኣርእዩኒ እዩ::
ዝርዝር ትሕዝቶ ናይቲ ዘተ ብቐፃሊ ኣብ ብራኸ ሾው ተኸታቲልኩም ናይ ባዕልኹም እጃም ክትፃወቱ ድማ ፃውዒተይ የቕርብ::
ምስ ሓቂ ንግጠም!!
The guardians of the old regime in Tigray (embodied in the ideas and practices of TPLF splinters) have long relied on fabricating external enemies and branding internal dissenters as traitors to deflect attention from domestic failures.
This tactic has historically fed off external forces of cruelty, plunging Tigray into centuries of suffering and bringing us to the crisis we now face.
But this method has become obsolete. Tigrayans are awakening to their true interests: peace, freedom, and development. The primary battleground for political change is now internal.
The very dynamics that obstruct the liberation movement also invite external threats. Our capacity to withstand such threats and seize emerging opportunities depends on our ability to dismantle the old, regressive order and raise our collective consciousness.
This internal struggle for freedom must be waged independently of foreign influence. Otherwise, it risks becoming yet another form of bondage. The authenticity of our liberation will be defined by our refusal to outsource it.
Hence, the critical question before us is: How do we break free from the distractions, outdated narratives, and unconscious allegiance to remnants of the old regime (both foreign and domestic) so we can fully commit ourselves to the pursuit of genuine freedom?
Despite all the challenges in Tigray, one clear pattern stands out: the absence of physical confrontation. This reflects a genuine opportunity to resolve differences through dialogue, which is a vital foundation for building a democratic culture. I would like to express my gratitude to all who contributed to easing the tensions between the TIG and the people of south Tigray this week.
Face the truth!
War scavengers are eagerly hoping for the failure of the Pretoria Agreement, knowing they stand to benefit more than anyone else. History has repeatedly shown that such opportunists gain everything at the expense of the ordinary people (ሚስክን ህዝቢ), who pay the highest price for nothing. As a result, hundreds of thousands of war-displaced Tigrayans are now suffering without shelter, food, or medicine, in the midst of peak rainfall. Therefore, all peace-loving individuals must unite to resist these destructive forces and commit themselves to preserving and implementing the agreement.
ሕዚ ዘለናሉ ምዕራፍ ናይ ብሄራዊ ጥቕሚ ዓለም እዩ::ዘመነ ርእዮተዓለምን ክብርታትን(ideology and values) መሰረት ዝገበረ ምሕዝነት ብውሕዱ ንግዚኡ እውን እንተኾነ ሃሲሱ ይርአ ኣሎ::
ጥቕሙ ዝነፀረ መዓዝን ምስ መንን ከምዝፃመድ ይፈልጥ:: እቲ ጉዳይ እንታይ ሂብካ እንታይ ትቕበል እዩ::ኣብዚ "ቀዋሚ ጥቕሚ እምበር ቀዋሚ ፈታዊ የለን" ዝብል ናይ ኣመሪካውያን ኣበሃህላ እዩ ዝሰርሕ::
ትግራይ ብሄራዊ ጥቕማ ኣይተፈልጥን:: ስለዝኾነ ዝተዓፃፀፍ ምሕዝነት ፈጢራ ኣይትፈልጥን:: ፖለቲካና ብልምድን የዋህ ሃይማኖታዊ ዶግማን እዩ ዝምራሕ::እቲ "ንሕና ኣብ ትማሊ የለናን"ዝብል ፈኸራ ዝገርሖ ጭርሖ እውን መርኣያ ናይቲ እቲ ዝኣረገ ዶግማ እዩ::
እቲ ዘደንቕ ነገር ግና ናይ ትግራይ ዕድል ናይ ምውሳን ስልጣን ኣብ ኢድ እቶም ብዝኣረገ ኣተሓሳስባን ባህሊን ኣዝዮም ዝተጎድኡ ሰባት ምውዳቓ እዩ::
ግን ንምንታይ? ትግራይ ሓሰብቲ ስለዘይብላ? በፍፁም:: ካብዝኾነ ግዘ ንላዕሊ ዓለም ዝርድኦም ንብሄሮም ዝእመኑን ተጋሩ መናእሰይ ዝተፈጠርሉ መዋእል እዩ:: እቲ ዝጎደለ ድኣ እንታይ እዩ?ናይ ወለዱ ንቡር ዘይፈልጥ፣ ንባዕሉ ዘልኣለማዊ ገይሩ ዝቖፅር፣ ሕጊ ተፈጥሮ ዘይቕበል፣ ብርእሲን ልብን ዘይኮነስ ብዕጥቂ ዝሓስብ፣ብምውርራስ ዘይኣምን፣ ኣብ ትማሊ ጠጠው ዝበለ ሓይሊን ባህልን ላዕለዋይ ቦታ ምሓዙ እዩ::
What is happening now in the Horn of Africa indicates that two fundamental and strategic transformations are taking place:
1) The long-standing social, economic, psychological, political, and historical foundations that have remained unchanged for centuries are now being loosened. However, despite this loosening, there is a visible reluctance or failure to transition into a new chapter. This indicates a critical moment where structural change is both necessary and resisted.
2) Since the 1960s—following the retreat of European colonial powers and the redrawing of post-colonial borders—there has been a rise in ideologies, national identities, and psychological constructs formed in resistance to colonialism. These frameworks are now being tested. A new wave of efforts is emerging, seeking to form alliances and signals based on identity and historical ties rather than colonial legacies.
These two developments must be examined together and understood as interdependent. The central question becomes: When will this dynamic shift from chaotic shapelessness into the formation of a new geopolitical order?
What kinds of opportunities and constraints might these border shifts bring, especially considering their complex interplay with Middle Eastern and global dynamics?
Will a new consciousness emerge—one capable of reading these changes and moving beyond outdated worldviews? If so, what kind of consciousness will it be, and how will it guide us in navigating our choices and places?
This era reminds us of Aristotle’s profound saying:
“Educating the mind without educating the heart is no education at all.”
From my perspective, one of the healthiest steps we can take as a society is to confront the masks—both cultural and personal—that hold us back from learning from our past and embracing openness. Too often, we conform without reflection, guided by myths rather than critical thought.
Today, we face a rising tide of narcissism, where everyone sees themselves as the center of the world. This makes it difficult to understand one another, to build shared values, or to work together by complementing each other’s strengths.
Unless we’re willing to unveil these masks, we will continue to struggle to connect, grow, and move forward as a community.
I am closely observing the recent circulation of the slogan of independence by so-called TPLF loyalists on social media. In my view, this is not a sincere movement but rather a political litmus test and a bargaining tool aimed at pressuring the Ethiopian government. TPLF has never shown genuine credibility or loyalty to the people of Tigray—its allegiance has consistently been to its pseudo-Leninist ideology.
To truly test the loyalty of these proponents, I propose the following action items:
1.Public Apology: A formal apology must be issued to the nationalist Tigrayans who were once suppressed and vilified as narrow nationalists or anti-revolutionary simply for upholding Tigrayan identity and values.
2.Accountability: The TPLF leadership must openly acknowledge and take responsibility for undermining various historical opportunities for Tigray’s independence.
3.Ideological Shift: The upcoming Congress should officially declare a fundamental shift from its outdated pseudo-Leninist ideology to a genuinely national and people-centered vision.
4.Referendum Framework: There must be a clearly outlined and credible strategy showing that any future referendum will be conducted in a peaceful, legal, transparent, and fair manner.
Only then can the independence discourse be taken as a serious and legitimate national agenda rather than political manipulation.

