I am currently staying on this แˆฐแˆแˆญ to keep track and follow the most แ‰ฐแ…แ‹•แŠ– แˆแŒฃแˆช แАแŒˆแˆจแŠ›'s , and I am still keeping tabs on them. แ‹ซแ‹ แŠฅแˆณแŠจแˆˆแŠ• แˆˆแˆ›แˆˆแ‰ต แ‹ซแˆ…แˆ แАแ‹ ๐Ÿค” แ‹จแŠ แŠ•แ‹ถแ‹ดแ‹ 54

Joined May 2012
Asseb ๐Ÿค” ๐Ÿ“๐Ÿ“๐Ÿ“The Truth !!! In 1950, the United Nations wrote down something about Ethiopia that many people today want the world to forget. On 2 December 1950, the UN General Assembly passed Resolution 390 A (V). In its preamble, the world body took into account Ethiopia's "legitimate need for adequate access to the sea." Read that again. Not a wish. Not a threat. A legitimate need, recognised by the United Nations itself. And it was not one voice. In 1949โ€“50, while the UN debated Eritrea's future: ๐Ÿ“ Ethiopia argued, "in particular, its need for adequate access to the sea." ๐Ÿ“The Soviet Union proposed a trusteeship "with territorial concessions to Ethiopia to provide access to the Red Sea through the port of Assab." ๐Ÿ“The Italo-Eritrean Association proposed "free harbour zones at Massawa and Assab." Different countries, different politics, one shared idea. Ethiopia should not be shut off from the sea. 76 years later, Ethiopia has more than 135 million people and no port of its own. The need the UN saw in 1950 did not disappear. It grew. Ethiopians are not asking for anything new. We are asking the region to remember what the world already accepted, and to talk about it at the table, in peace. A fair deal on the Red Sea is not a crime. The UN called it legitimate. #Ethiopia #RedSea #Assab #Eritrea
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Yonas Ethio ๐Ÿ‡ช๐Ÿ‡น retweeted
Massive Air cargo and logistics capability serving international trade, supply chains, humanitarian response; Ethiopian Cargo and Logistics Services connecting over 70 global destinations and with over 750,000 tons of cargo; ICAO and IATA recognition as trusted career with strong credentials across businesses in Pharmaceuticals, E-commerce, Perishables, High-value goods and Time-sensitive cargo. #EthiopiaForICAOCouncil #TrustedVoiceOfAfricaInAviation
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Yonas Ethio ๐Ÿ‡ช๐Ÿ‡น retweeted
#Egypt has nothing of substance to offer Ethiopia, yet projects false and smug demands from it!
ุฃูƒุฏุช ู…ุตุฑ ุฑูุถู‡ุง ุงู„ุฑุจุท ุจูŠู† ู…ุณุงุนูŠ ุฅุซูŠูˆุจูŠุง ู„ู„ุญุตูˆู„ ุนู„ู‰ ู…ู†ูุฐ ุจุญุฑูŠ ูˆุงู„ู…ูุงูˆุถุงุช ุงู„ู…ุชุนู„ู‚ุฉ ุจุณุฏ ุงู„ู†ู‡ุถุฉ ุงู„ุฅุซูŠูˆุจูŠุŒ ู…ุดุฏุฏุฉ ุนู„ู‰ ุฃู† ุงู„ู…ู„ููŠู† ู…ู†ูุตู„ุงู† ุชู…ุงู…ู‹ุงุŒ ูˆุฃู† ู„ูƒู„ ู…ู†ู‡ู…ุง ุฃุทุฑู‡ ุงู„ู‚ุงู†ูˆู†ูŠุฉ ูˆุงู„ุณูŠุงุณูŠุฉ ุงู„ุฎุงุตุฉ.
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แŠฅแˆตแŠจแˆ˜แ‰ผ ??? ๐Ÿ˜ข๐Ÿ˜ข๐Ÿ˜ข
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Yonas Ethio ๐Ÿ‡ช๐Ÿ‡น retweeted
Replying to @dw_amharic
@dw_amharic reported that another #TPLF high ranking official, Army 42 commander and others are encircled by #ENDF and #TPF in #Tigray, #Ethiopia #แˆ…แ‹ˆแˆ“แ‰ต แŒฆแˆญ แŠ แˆญแˆš 42 แŠ แ‹›แ‹ฅ แ‹จแˆ†แŠ‘แ‰ต แ‰ฅแˆญแŒ‹แ‹ดแˆญ แŒ€แАแˆซแˆ แŠ แ‰ฅแˆญแˆƒ แ‰ฐแˆตแ‹แ‹ญ แ‰ แ‰…แ…แˆ แˆตแˆ›แ‰ธแ‹ แ‹ตแŠ•แŠฉแˆ แŠฅแŠ“ แˆŒแˆŽแ‰ฝ แŠจแแ‰ฐแŠ› แŠ แ‹›แ‹ฆแ‰ฝแˆ แ‰ แŠจแ‰ แ‰ฃ แ‹แˆตแŒฅ แˆ˜แŒแ‰ฃแ‰ณแ‰ธแ‹แŠ• แ‹จแˆฐแˆ‹แˆ แŠƒแ‹ญแˆ‰ แ‰ฃแˆˆแˆตแˆแŒฃแŠ• แˆˆแ‹ถแ‹ญแ‰ผแ‰ฌแˆˆ แ‰ฐแŠ“แŒแˆฏแˆแข แ‹จแˆ…แ‹ˆแˆ“แ‰ต แŠจแแ‰ฐแŠ› แ‹ˆแ‰ณแ‹ฐแˆซแ‹Š แŠ แ‹›แ‹ฅ แŒ€แАแˆซแˆ แ‹ฎแˆแŠ•แˆต แˆ˜แ‹ฒแ‹ต แˆˆแŒแ‹ฐแˆซแˆ แŠƒแ‹ญแˆŽแ‰ฝ แŠฅแŒ… แˆฐแŒกแข p.dw.com/p/5NVHP?at_medium=Sโ€ฆ

แŠ แˆฅแˆ˜แˆซ-แŠคแˆญแ‰ตแˆซ แ‹จแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซแŠ• แ‹ˆแ‰€แˆณแฃ แ‹จแ‹“แˆˆแˆ แŠ แ‰€แ‰ แˆ›แˆ•แ‰ แˆจแˆฐแ‰ฅแŠ•แˆ แŒฅแˆช แАแ‰€แˆแ‰ฝ

แ‰ แ‹ตแแŠ• แ‹จแŠ แแˆชแ‰ƒ แ‰€แŠ•แ‹ต ยซแˆˆแŠ“แˆจแ‹‰ แŠ แˆˆแˆ˜แˆจแŒ‹แŒ‹แ‰ตแŠ“ แ‹จแ‰€แ‹‰แˆต แ‹ตแ‰ฃแ‰ฅยป แ‹จแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แŒˆแ‹ข แ“แˆญแ‰ฒ แ‰ฅแˆแ…แŒแŠ“แŠ• แ‰ฐแŒ แ‹ซแ‰‚ แ‹ซแ‹ฐแˆญแŒ‹แˆแˆแขแˆ˜แŒแˆˆแŒซแ‹‰ แ‹จแŠ แแˆชแ‰ƒ แ‰€แŠ•แ‹ต แŠ แˆˆแˆ˜แˆจแŒ‹แŒ‹แ‰ตแŠ“ แ‹จแ‰€แ‹‰แˆฑ แˆแŠ•แŒญ ยซแ‹จแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แŒˆแ‹ข แ‹จแ‰ฅแˆแ…แŒแŠ“ แ“แˆญแ‰ฒ แˆ†แŠ• แ‰ฅแˆŽแฃ แˆ›แŠ•แˆ แˆณแ‹ญแАแŠซแ‹‰แŠ“ แˆˆแ‰ฐแ‹ฐแŒ‹แŒ‹แˆš แŠ แˆ˜แ‰ณแ‰ต แ‹จแŠจแˆแ‰ฐแ‹‰ แˆŒแˆŽแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‹จแˆ›แŒฅแ‰ƒแ‰ต (แ‹จแ‹ˆแˆจแˆซ) แŒ‚แŠฆ-แ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซแ‹Š แ‹˜แˆ˜แ‰ป...

dw.com
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You say Assab's "stagnation" is a lie. Let's use neutral numbers, not slogans. The IMF's 1996 country report (SM/96/66) says Assab "had been maintained relatively well, given its strategic importance for Ethiopia". It also says Eritrea's services account was positive "thanks mainly to port services, transport, and refinery services in Assab". Port fees and charges were 31%, 27%, 15% and 17% of Eritrea's government revenue in 1992โ€“95 (my calculation from the report's Table XIII; all Eritrean ports). Eritrea bought 31โ€“37% of Assab refinery output. Ethiopia was the customer. Then the 1998 war ended that trade. Today even your own supporters post Google Earth photos of an empty port. Nobody is questioning Eritrea's independence or the 2002 border ruling. The ask is one thing: negotiated sea access, a port and a naval base agreed at a table, as UNCLOS Art. 125 says: by agreement. Eritrea gets revenue, Ethiopia gets a route. Why is that "war"? Source: IMF Staff Country Report 96/66.
The Potemkin Party continues to double down on its campaign of war and unremitting hostility against Eritrea by dwelling on revisionist historical narratives and the deplorable denigration of Eritrea's legitimate, decades-old, process of decolonization achieved through unparalleled and precious sacrifices. In this vein, one of PP's official mouthpieces - Fana Broadcasting Corporation - disparages, on its X account today, Eritrea's overall development policy and what it dubs as "stagnation of Assab". Furthermore, it laments the loss of "Ethiopia's Red Sea coastline", due, in its warped mind, "to conspiracy of external adversaries". These pitiful diatribes are symptomatic of the incurable war psychosis that has gripped the Potemkin Party for years now. Indeed, it is obvious that the PP will require massive reconfiguration in its mindset/soft-ware for reason and sanity to prevail. As it is, the antidote for its multi-layered malaise does not lie in the propagation of revisionist history; and/or in the flagrant violation of foundational pillars and principles of international law. The fact is: 1. A regime that is presiding over an ailing economy where 68.7% of the population are classified as "multidimensionally poor" (WB terminology) in spite of massive international assistance; and, 2. That is seething under interminable internal costly conflicts of its own making; is not in a position to pontificate to its neighbours about astute development policy or the fostering of good-neighborly ties anchored on mutual respect of each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity. xitter.cf/hawelti/status/1970139โ€ฆ
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Yonas Ethio ๐Ÿ‡ช๐Ÿ‡น retweeted
"แˆแ‰…แˆถแ‹ฌ แŠฅแŒ…แŒ แАแ‹แŠ“แฅ แˆแ‰คแˆ แ‹ฐแŠญแˆžแŠ แˆแŠ“แก แŠญแ‹แ‰ณแ‰ธแ‹ แˆแˆ‰ แ‹ˆแ‹ฐ แŠแ‰ตแˆ… แ‹ญแ‹ตแˆจแˆต ....." แˆฐแ‰† แŠคแˆญแˆแ‹ซแˆต แฉแฅแณแช
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I read paragraphs 6.30 to 6.32 of the 2002 Boundary Commission decision myself. @RenaissanceDam "The Asrat Blog quotes them correctly. Here is the part I think matters most for the future. Paragraph 6.31 "It is not unknown for States to agree to locate a checkpoint or customs facility of one State within the territory of a neighbouring State. Such agreements, which reflect a common interest in efficiency and economy, do not necessarily involve a change of the boundary." The Commission itself wrote that. So.. 1. The 2002 decision is final. Ethiopia accepted it. Nobody here asks to redraw a line. 2. But a port, a customs post and a transit route can be agreed between neighbours without moving any border. It has been done before, on this same Assab road, in 1994. 3. That is exactly what negotiated sea access means: a fair deal on the Red Sea, a port and naval base agreed at a table, with real benefit for Eritreans, Afar communities and Ethiopians. One more fact from the same document: in 1994 both countries signed a report to open transport along the Addisโ€“Assab corridor. Cooperation worked once. It can again. Source: EEBC decision, 13 April 2002, paras 6.30โ€“6.32, legal.un.org/riaa/cases/vol_โ€ฆ #Ethiopia #Assab #RedSea
๐—”๐—ฆ๐—ฆ๐—”๐—•: ๐—ช๐—›๐—ฌ ๐—” ๐Ÿญ๐Ÿต๐Ÿต๐Ÿฐ ๐—ง๐—ฅ๐—”๐—ก๐—ฆ๐—ฃ๐—ข๐—ฅ๐—ง ๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—ฃ๐—ข๐—ฅ๐—ง ๐— ๐—”๐—ง๐—ง๐—˜๐—ฅ๐—˜๐—— ๐—ง๐—ข ๐—ง๐—›๐—˜ ๐—•๐—จ๐—ฅ๐—˜ ๐—•๐—ข๐—จ๐—ก๐——๐—”๐—ฅ๐—ฌ In 2002 the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission drew the eastern border under the 1908 treaty: ๐Ÿฒ๐Ÿฌ ๐—ธ๐—บ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—บ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ฎ๐˜€๐˜. At one place it adjusted that line. The place was ๐—•๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ, the old checkpoint on the Assab road. The Commission's own words: "๐—•๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—น๐—ผ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—˜๐˜๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ฝ๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐Ÿฒ๐Ÿฌ ๐—ธ๐—ถ๐—น๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—น๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฒ." Yet it placed the border at Bure. The reason: Eritrea presented a "๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐˜€๐˜๐˜‚๐—ฑ๐˜† ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—บ ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ผ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐˜€๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ด๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜€๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜ ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜ƒ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ด ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—”๐—ฑ๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐˜€-๐—”๐˜€๐˜€๐—ฎ๐—ฏ ๐—–๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฑ๐—ผ๐—ฟ," dated 7 November 1994 and signed by representatives of both countries. One agenda item, as quoted: "๐—ข๐—ฏ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜ ๐˜„๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ธ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ฝ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐˜ ๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ธ ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜ ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€." Its checkpoint list reads "๐Ÿฐ. ๐—•๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—˜๐˜๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ฝ๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐—ฏ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ. ๐Ÿฑ. ๐—•๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—˜๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐—ฏ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ." Paragraph 6.31 concludes that the report "๐—ฒ๐˜…๐—ฝ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜€๐—น๐˜† ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ป๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—•๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฏ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜," and that both states treated their checkpoints there as the limits of their territorial sovereignty. The report, together with the parties' conduct, was treated as evidence of an agreed boundary. Why should Ethiopians ask questions? The decision itself gives the reasons: ๐Ÿญ. ๐—œ๐˜๐˜€ ๐—ฝ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐˜€๐—ฒ ๐˜„๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜€๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜. That makes the signatories' instructions and the report's full wording worth examining. ๐Ÿฎ. ๐—” ๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ธ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜ ๐—ฎ๐˜‚๐˜๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—น๐˜† ๐—ฎ ๐—ฏ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ. Paragraph 6.31 says such arrangements "๐—ฑ๐—ผ ๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜ ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜€๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—น๐˜† ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜ƒ๐—ผ๐—น๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ ๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ด๐—ฒ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฏ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐˜†." The Commission found that Bure was different. ๐Ÿฏ. ๐—•๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐˜„๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฒ๐˜…๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป. In the eastern-sector assessment, paragraph 6.32 identifies Bure as the only conduct "๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐˜€๐˜‚๐—ฐ๐—ต ๐˜„๐—ฒ๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ต๐˜" to vary the treaty line. The adjustment fell on ground the treaty line had placed on Ethiopia's side. None of this shows the Commission lacked evidence. It shows these documents had a real territorial consequence. The honest limit: the Commission calls the adjustment "๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—น๐˜† ๐˜€๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—น." The 2002 decision is final and binding under the Algiers Agreement, and it did not transfer Assab. ๐——๐—ผ๐—ฐ๐˜‚๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐˜€ ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐˜‚๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜€๐—ต ๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ฏ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐˜† ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฑ ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—ณ๐˜‚๐—น๐—น. ๐—˜๐˜๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ฝ๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜€ ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—น๐—ฑ ๐—ฝ๐˜‚๐—ฏ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜€๐—ต ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜๐˜€, ๐—ฒ๐˜…๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฒ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ๐˜‚๐˜๐—ต๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜๐˜† ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—บ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฒ๐˜…๐—ฝ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ถ๐—ฟ ๐—น๐—ฒ๐—ด๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ฒ๐—ณ๐—ณ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜. Ethiopian legal experts, lawyers, historians and archivists should examine the complete 1994 reports, the signatoriesโ€™ authority and Ethiopiaโ€™s submissions to the Commission, and publish an evidence-based assessment of whether any unresolved legal issue remains. Read it yourself ๐Ÿ‘‡ EEBC decision, 13 April 2002, paras 6.30 to 6.32, RIAA vol. XXV, printed pp. 170 to 171 legal.un.org/riaa/cases/vol_โ€ฆ #Ethiopia #RedSea #RedSeaAccess #Assab #Redsea
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Nobody asked Egypt to "give" #Ethiopia anything. Egypt is not our coastal neighbour. A port or naval base for Ethiopia will be agreed with a neighbour that says yes, the same way Djibouti hosts the US, France, China and Japan today. Cairo's "we will not accept" has no seat at that table. And on the same day, Egypt's FM said Egypt is getting ready to send troops to Saudi Arabia. Bases and navies by agreement are normal everywhere. Just not for Ethiopia? elbalad.news/7156739
ูˆุฒูŠุฑ ุงู„ุฎุงุฑุฌูŠุฉ ุจุฏุฑ ุนุจุฏ ุงู„ุนุงุทูŠ ูŠู‚ูˆู„ ุฎู„ุงู„ ู…ุคุชู…ุฑ ุตุญููŠ ู…ุน ุงู„ุฃู…ูŠู† ุงู„ุนุงู… ู„ู„ุฃู…ู… ุงู„ู…ุชุญุฏุฉ ุฃู†ุทูˆู†ูŠูˆ ุบูˆุชูŠุฑูŠุด ุฅู† ู…ุตุฑ ู„ุง ุชุชุนุฑุถ ู„ุฃูŠ ุถุบูˆุท ู…ู† ุฃุทุฑุงู ุซุงู„ุซุฉ ู„ู„ู‚ุจูˆู„ ุจู…ู†ุญ ุฅุซูŠูˆุจูŠุง ู…ู†ูุฐู‹ุง ุฅู„ู‰ ุงู„ุจุญุฑ ุงู„ุฃุญู…ุฑ ู…ู‚ุงุจู„ ุชุณู‡ูŠู„ ุงู„ุชูˆุตู„ ุฅู„ู‰ ุญู„ ุจุดุฃู† ุณุฏ ุงู„ู†ู‡ุถุฉ ุจุญุณุจ ูˆูƒุงู„ุฉ ุฃู†ุจุงุก ุงู„ุดุฑู‚ ุงู„ุฃูˆุณุท
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#Breaking or #Mocking ๐Ÿ˜ A landlocked country can't have a navy? Check the record before the punchline. โ€ข #Ethiopia founded its navy in 1955, with its base and naval college at Massawa. โ€ข Bolivia, landlocked, has run the Armada Boliviana since 1963: about 5,000 personnel on Lake Titicaca and its rivers (WIRED). โ€ข Switzerland, landlocked, had 49 ocean-going ships under its flag in 2016 (swissinfo). Ethiopia's own shipping line runs 10 today (Capital). โ€ข UNCLOS Art. 90 "Every State, whether coastal or land-locked, has the right to sail ships flying its flag on the high seas." Art. 125 gives landlocked states the right of access to and from the sea. The Addis workshop on the banner is run by the IMO's Djibouti Code of Conduct Secretariat under an EU-funded project. Ethiopia is a signatory to the Jeddah Amendment. It is about sharing maritime-security information, because most of Ethiopia's trade travels by sea through Djibouti (UN News). Mocking a country of 130 million for needing a sea is not analysis. My view: the answer is a fair deal on the Red Sea, a port and a naval base agreed at a table. #Ethiopia
#BREAKING: โš“Landlocked Ethiopiaโ€™s Navy Hosts Four-Day Maritime Summit ETHIOPIA โ€• A landlocked country with no coastline, no access to the sea, and apparently no shortage of imagination is hosting a four-day "regional" naval commandersโ€™ forum in Addis Ababa. Naval commanders from #Yemen, #Oman, #Djibouti, Somalia's self-governing regions of #Somaliland, and #Puntland have traveled to Addis Ababa to discuss maritime security with a navy whose biggest maritime operation so far might be navigating a couple of speed boats on Lake Tana. Imagine being a naval commander, traveling to a landlocked capital, sitting through four days of discussions about the ocean, and then returning home without seeing a single wave. When you canโ€™t bring the navy to the sea, you bring the sea to your imagination.๐Ÿซฃ (More story ... addisstandard.com/brief/n-60โ€ฆ)
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Talking about hitting a dam that holds 74 billion cubic metres of water, close to Sudan's own border, is not a warning. It is a threat against the people living downstream, and most of them are Sudanese. So let's look at what we actually know about today. 1. Drones hit five power stations in Sudan this morning. AFP quotes a Sudanese government official blaming the RSF. Sudan's own electricity company listed the stations and the damage. Neither named Ethiopia. 2. The "launched from Ethiopia" line comes from one anonymous army source quoted by Al Arabiya. No evidence has been shown. In May, the same kind of claim was made about the Khartoum airport strike. Ethiopia called it baseless, and Reuters said it could not verify it. 3. Ethiopia sends power to Sudan. A 230 kV line from Shehedi, near Metema, has fed Gedaref since 2013, and Ethiopian Electric Power says it still supplies Sudan. Gedaref was one of the states that went dark today. Ethiopia gains nothing from Sudan in the dark. 4. Dams are protected under Article 56 of Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions. Sudan joined it in 2006. "Three kamikaze drones on GERD" is not strategy talk. It is talk about a war crime. 5. Ethiopia hosts Sudanese refugees and keeps saying the same thing: this war ends through a ceasefire and talks among Sudanese. On 13 October Sudan's foreign minister said Khartoum is open to dialogue with Addis Ababa. Good. Then let's have it, with any evidence on the table from both sides, not drones and dam threats on X. Peace in Sudan is good for Ethiopia. And the power from GERD reaches Gedaref too. #Ethiopia #Sudan #GERD
Kamikaze drones reportedly launched from Ethiopia targeted critical infrastructure facilities in Sudan today, including those most heavily relied upon by civilians. Does Ethiopia really believe that Sudan lacks the capability to target its multibillion-dollar Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam with just three kamikaze drones in the coming days? What is Ethiopia counting on?
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Yonas Ethio ๐Ÿ‡ช๐Ÿ‡น retweeted
Lebensraum? That word deserves more care. ๐Ÿค” Lebensraum was Hitler's plan to seize other people's land and push them out. Millions died for it. #Ethiopia is asking for the opposite: a seat at a table, not someone else's land. Look at what was actually said this week: ๐Ÿ‘‰ PM Abiy at Tana Forum (Oct 24) sea access is existential for 135M+ people, and it should come through dialogue and mutual benefit. ena.et/web/eng/w/eng_9807843 ๐Ÿ‘‰ Field Marshal Birhanu Jula today (ENA, Oct 25): Ethiopia seeks peaceful relations, brotherhood and good-neighbourliness. ena.et/web/eng/w/eng_9812616 - In 2023 Addis even offered stakes in GERD, Ethiopian Airlines or Ethio Telecom in return for a port. Conquerors don't offer shares. Almost all our trade passes through one neighbour's port. Asking for a fair, negotiated deal on the Red Sea is what landlocked countries do everywhere. In my opinion, that is not expansion. @_hudsonc , you know the Horn well. Putting a 130M nation's request to negotiate next to Hitler's wars doesn't help peace. It makes the table harder to reach. #Ethiopia #RedSea
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Yonas Ethio ๐Ÿ‡ช๐Ÿ‡น retweeted
A country of 130+ million people wants a negotiated port AND a navy on the Red Sea. Why is that treated as unusual, when this sea already runs on agreements with foreign navies? Facts, with sources: โ€ข Djibouti, a country of under a million people, hosts bases of the US, France, Japan, China and Italy, all by agreement: aljazeera.com/news/2026/4/8/โ€ฆ โ€ข Roughly 12% of world maritime trade passes Bab al-Mandeb (same Al Jazeera report). The EU extended its Aspides naval mission to Feb 2027: consilium.europa.eu/en/pressโ€ฆ โ€ข Turkey opened its largest overseas military training base in Mogadishu in 2017: voanews.com/a/turkey-opens-lโ€ฆ โ€ข AP reported that Assab in Eritrea served as a UAE base during the Yemen war (2015-2021): voanews.com/a/africa_uae-disโ€ฆ โ€ข Al Jazeera lists Egypt among the first countries signing up to a new Saudi-led Red Sea coalition, alongside Pakistan, Tรผrkiye and Bangladesh: aljazeera.com/news/2026/8/14โ€ฆ So navies are already on this coast, by agreement. The real question is why Ethiopia should be the one left out of a sea that more than 130 million Ethiopians depend on for trade. The 4 Oct El Alamein declaration (clause 4d) says Red Sea governance is "the exclusive responsibility of the littoral states": presidency.eg/en/%D9%82%D8%Bโ€ฆ In my opinion, that sits awkwardly with the facts above. The law points to the table, not to exclusion. UNCLOS Art. 125: landlocked states have a right of access to the sea, with terms agreed through bilateral, subregional or regional agreements. Art. 90: every state, coastal or landlocked, may sail ships under its flag. un.org/depts/los/convention_โ€ฆ Ethiopia had a navy from 1955 until the 1990s and has been rebuilding it since 2018, with naval cooperation steps with France (2019) and Russia (2025). In my opinion, a navy is a normal part of sea access for a country this size. It protects ships, crews and trade. It belongs inside the deal, not added on afterwards. What I support negotiated sea access. A fair deal on the Red Sea. A port and a naval base agreed at a table, with clear terms, transparency and respect for every neighbour's sovereignty. Peaceful means only. That is also the stated Ethiopian position. PM Abiy, 24 Oct, Tana Forum: "We will continue to persuade through dialogue and mutual benefit." ena.et/web/eng/w/eng_9807843
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Fair points, and I agree with most of them. 390 A (V) does not name Assab, and I never said it did. It also doesn't say what it didn't say: it federated Eritrea "under the sovereignty of the Ethiopian Crown" and listed "Ethiopia's legitimate need for adequate access to the sea." docs.un.org/en/A/RES/390(V) Eritrea has been an independent UN member since 1993. I accept that, and so does Ethiopia. docs.un.org/en/A/RES/47/230 And yes: access means agreed access, not owning anyone's port. That's exactly my point. In my opinion, a fair deal on the Red Sea is negotiated by two sovereign states, with terms both can live with. Russia has offered a table in Moscow on 28โ€“29 Oct. Would you support both sides sitting down? en.sputniknews.africa/202610โ€ฆ
Replying to @yonast98
390 A (V) never gave you Assab, it federated Eritrea as autonomous, it didn't cede sovereignty. That federation died in 1962, and in 1993 Eritrea voted 99.8% for independence, a vote Ethiopia and the UN accepted. "Access to the sea" means trade, not owning another nation's port.
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A country of 130+ million people wants a negotiated port AND a navy on the Red Sea. Why is that treated as unusual, when this sea already runs on agreements with foreign navies? Facts, with sources: โ€ข Djibouti, a country of under a million people, hosts bases of the US, France, Japan, China and Italy, all by agreement: aljazeera.com/news/2026/4/8/โ€ฆ โ€ข Roughly 12% of world maritime trade passes Bab al-Mandeb (same Al Jazeera report). The EU extended its Aspides naval mission to Feb 2027: consilium.europa.eu/en/pressโ€ฆ โ€ข Turkey opened its largest overseas military training base in Mogadishu in 2017: voanews.com/a/turkey-opens-lโ€ฆ โ€ข AP reported that Assab in Eritrea served as a UAE base during the Yemen war (2015-2021): voanews.com/a/africa_uae-disโ€ฆ โ€ข Al Jazeera lists Egypt among the first countries signing up to a new Saudi-led Red Sea coalition, alongside Pakistan, Tรผrkiye and Bangladesh: aljazeera.com/news/2026/8/14โ€ฆ So navies are already on this coast, by agreement. The real question is why Ethiopia should be the one left out of a sea that more than 130 million Ethiopians depend on for trade. The 4 Oct El Alamein declaration (clause 4d) says Red Sea governance is "the exclusive responsibility of the littoral states": presidency.eg/en/%D9%82%D8%Bโ€ฆ In my opinion, that sits awkwardly with the facts above. The law points to the table, not to exclusion. UNCLOS Art. 125: landlocked states have a right of access to the sea, with terms agreed through bilateral, subregional or regional agreements. Art. 90: every state, coastal or landlocked, may sail ships under its flag. un.org/depts/los/convention_โ€ฆ Ethiopia had a navy from 1955 until the 1990s and has been rebuilding it since 2018, with naval cooperation steps with France (2019) and Russia (2025). In my opinion, a navy is a normal part of sea access for a country this size. It protects ships, crews and trade. It belongs inside the deal, not added on afterwards. What I support negotiated sea access. A fair deal on the Red Sea. A port and a naval base agreed at a table, with clear terms, transparency and respect for every neighbour's sovereignty. Peaceful means only. That is also the stated Ethiopian position. PM Abiy, 24 Oct, Tana Forum: "We will continue to persuade through dialogue and mutual benefit." ena.et/web/eng/w/eng_9807843
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Yonas Ethio ๐Ÿ‡ช๐Ÿ‡น retweeted
แŠฅแˆตแŠจแˆ˜แ‰ผ!!!
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แ‹จแˆแ‹ตแˆญ แŒŒแŒฅ แŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แ‹จแˆแˆ˜แˆจ แ‰ฅแˆญแˆƒแŠ• แŠฅแŒ…แŒ แ‹ตแŠ•แ‰… แ‹แ‹แ‹ฐ แˆญแŠฅแ‹ญ แ‹จแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แŠฆแˆญแ‰ถแ‹ถแŠญแˆต แ‰ฐแ‹‹แˆ•แ‹ถ แ‰ค/แŠญ แ‹จ3000 แ‹“แˆ˜แ‰ต แ‰ณแˆชแŠญ แ‹จแŒˆแˆˆแŒกแ‰ แ‰ต แˆ˜แŠ•แŒˆแ‹ต แŠ แˆตแŒˆแˆซแˆš แАแ‹แข @Hamereberhan
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Yonas Ethio ๐Ÿ‡ช๐Ÿ‡น retweeted
Mr. Hany Ibrahim, humanitarian concern demands honesty. Exploiting the suffering of Ethiopians for political advantage while posing as a concerned benefactor warrants a firm and unequivocal response. The victims need protection, not crocodile tears. #VirtueSignalers GTHOOH!
Moyale: The Suffering of Ethiopians Must Not Become a Geopolitical Weapon. Mr. Hany Ibrahim, humanitarian concern demands honesty. Exploiting the suffering of Ethiopians for political advantage while posing as a concerned benefactor warrants a firm and unequivocal response. The victims need protection, not crocodile tears. Ethiopia has the capacity to manage the situation and address its underlying causes. I have received information from a trusted intelligence source that individuals identified as TPLF agents arrived in Moyale a few weeks before the violence began. The pattern is unmistakable: wherever conflict erupts, there is always TPLF involvement; wherever the TPLF is involved, Egyptian security operatives are close behind. Conflict between Oromo and Somali communities is a destructive legacy of political manipulation along the Oromiaโ€“Somali regional boundary, particularly during Abdi Illeyโ€™s administration under TPLF leadership. Local grievances must never become weapons through which political actors turn neighbouring communities against one another. At that time, TPLF used Abdi Illey and invaded its neighboring Region of Oromia and shed blood between two brotherly people. That is where Borena-Garri conflict started by the will of the then government. I know the Borana as a people with a deeply rooted culture of peace, dignity, and community responsibility. I also know of instances in which Borana communities protected their Garri neighbours against threats from other communities. That tradition of protection and coexistence was first shattered by TPLF security agents. Mercenaries deployed by Egypt are now seeking to perpetuate that instability and divert the governmentโ€™s attention from the north to the south. That is the reality. Mr. Ibrahim, millions are suffering before your eyes in Gaza, Libya, and Sudan. Yet we have not seen a single expression of sympathy from Egyptian leaders for these people. It is an extraordinary display of hypocrisy for those who instigate conflict and violence to shed crocodile tears over the consequences and then appeal for humanitarian assistance. Humanitarian assistance must never become political camouflage. Borana and Garri families deserve peace, protection, and dignity. Those who organize or exploit their suffering must be held accountable.
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Lebensraum? That word deserves more care. ๐Ÿค” Lebensraum was Hitler's plan to seize other people's land and push them out. Millions died for it. #Ethiopia is asking for the opposite: a seat at a table, not someone else's land. Look at what was actually said this week: ๐Ÿ‘‰ PM Abiy at Tana Forum (Oct 24) sea access is existential for 135M+ people, and it should come through dialogue and mutual benefit. ena.et/web/eng/w/eng_9807843 ๐Ÿ‘‰ Field Marshal Birhanu Jula today (ENA, Oct 25): Ethiopia seeks peaceful relations, brotherhood and good-neighbourliness. ena.et/web/eng/w/eng_9812616 - In 2023 Addis even offered stakes in GERD, Ethiopian Airlines or Ethio Telecom in return for a port. Conquerors don't offer shares. Almost all our trade passes through one neighbour's port. Asking for a fair, negotiated deal on the Red Sea is what landlocked countries do everywhere. In my opinion, that is not expansion. @_hudsonc , you know the Horn well. Putting a 130M nation's request to negotiate next to Hitler's wars doesn't help peace. It makes the table harder to reach. #Ethiopia #RedSea
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#ASSAB_PORT: The Untold History & Its Historical Ties to #Ethiopia ๐ŸŽฌ PART ONE | Coming Soon on YouTube ๐ŸŒ A journey through history, facts and historical perspectives. แ‹แ‹ต #Ethiopians แ‰ แŒฃแˆ แ‰ฅแ‹™ แ‹จแ‹แŒญ แ‹œแŒŽแ‰ฝ แ‰ชแ‹ตแ‹ฎ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ตแˆฐแˆซ แˆตแˆˆแŒ แ‹จแ‰แŠ แˆตแˆซ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แАแŠ แ‹แ‹ต แ‹ˆแŒˆแŠ–แ‰ผ แ‹จแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แ‹ˆแ‹ณแŒ†แ‰ฝ แŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แ‹จ130 แˆšแˆŠแ‹ฎแŠ• แˆ…แ‹แ‰ฅ แАแ‹‹แˆช แ‹ˆแ‹ฐแ‰ฅ แ‹ซแˆตแˆแˆแŒ‹แ‰ณแˆ แˆแŠ•แˆ แŒฅแˆญแŒฅแˆญ แ‹จแˆˆแ‹แˆ แˆˆแˆแˆฐแˆซแ‹ แ‰ชแ‹ตแ‹ฎ แ‹ญแŒ แ‰…แˆแˆปแˆ แ‰ฅแˆ‹แ‰ฝแˆ แ‹จแˆแ‰ณแˆตแ‰กแ‰ตแŠ• แ‰ชแ‹ตแ‹ฎแ‹Žแ‰ฝ แŠซแˆ‰ แˆŠแŠ•แŠฉแŠ• แ‰  DM แˆ‹แŠฉแˆแŠ Thank you ๐Ÿ™๐Ÿคฉ
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