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Although @_HadleyGamble distorted the facts with impunity, thanks to POA that sets the record straight.đđž
youtu.be/wqqsaz21w3c?is=gsJOâŚ
đŞđš Has the water flow to Egypt & Sudan actually reduced due to the construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD)?
đŞđš How is it possible to accuse Ethiopia of "stealing Egyptâs water" when Ethiopia is the source of over 85% of the Nileâs water flow while Egypt contributes 0%?
đŞđš Which country has suffered severe, chronic famines and droughts in recent history , Ethiopia or Egypt? Isn't it hard to understand such accusations that Ethiopia is trying to starve Egypt?
đŞđš Why should Ethiopia intentionally put aside over 230,000 hectares of fertile farmland downstream of the dam just to ensure an uninterrupted flow of water to its neighbors? Are these the actions of an aggressor or a responsible neighbor?
đŞđš Who is genuinely pursuing a fair, win-win approach: #Ethiopia or #Egypt?
You be the judge.
youtube.com/shorts/6cSUAnATk⌠via @YouTube
A war monger ( Hadley Laura Gamble) :
đ They starved you .
đ They are killing you.
đ Whatâs the point of being the biggest Arab military if it isnât used to bomb #Ethiopia.
I mean the FM had shown a tremendous restraint while she was pressuring him to declare war just right there in the interview.
Not only her offensive words but also her tone, eye rolling , facial expression & gestures tell a volume about her hatred to #Ethiopia.
You wonder :) whatâs Ethiopiaâs fault to deserve a war , after all? đđžđđž
youtu.be/wqqsaz21w3c?is=Sh5qâŚ
1
454
Jawarâs tweet is a must Read.
It is time for Eritrean brothers and sisters to declare: âGame Over, Isaias!â. What do you Eritreans have to lose? Change is good. Eritrea and Ethiopia can coexist and prosper through a genuine win-win approach. The worst chapter in the history of both countries must close so that a new and better chapter of cooperation can begin.
If Ethiopia Breaks Eritreaâs Defences, What Comes Next?
The risk of a full EthiopiaâEritrea war has moved from a distant possibility to an immediate danger. As I have argued in earlier pieces, Eritrean support for the TPLF was always likely to become far more consequential once the battlefield reached the border.
With the ENDF having quickly repelled the TPLFâs southward offensive and pushed its forces toward the Eritrean border, while Eritrean forces are reportedly operating deep inside Ethiopian territory, the space for de-escalation is narrowing. An Eritrean withdrawal, an end to sanctuary and military support for TPLF leaders and combatants, and a willingness to negotiate may be among the few remaining steps that could persuade Abiy to hold back. He currently enjoys a significant battlefield advantage and a stronger sovereignty argument than he had before the reported Eritrean intervention.
In their 14 October call, Rubio and Abiy discussed the heightened tensions with Eritrea, but the two governments subsequently framed the conversation differently. Washington did not publicly assign responsibility for the cross-border escalation. Yet, its emphasis on sovereignty, territorial integrity and avoiding cross-border incursions gives Ethiopia a diplomatic principle around which to frame its case. At the same time, the call for de-escalation by all sides and a return to the 2018 peace framework signals that Washington is trying to prevent the confrontation from developing into a wider war.
My understanding is that Ethiopia has accepted the call for restraint conditionally rather than treating it as a settlement. The calculation appears to be that Eritrea is unlikely to meet demands on TPLF sanctuary, support for other armed groups, and broader security arrangements, while the ENDF also gains time to reposition forces and logistics along the frontier. If that reading is correct, the current pause may be temporary rather than a resolution of the underlying confrontation.
If we assume the worst and the confrontation develops into a full-scale war, the decisive question is not simply who wins, but what happens if Ethiopia breaks through Eritreaâs defences. Would Abiy settle for a political deal with a post-Isaias military leadership, pursue Isaias into the mountains, advance toward Assab to secure access to the Red Sea, or march on Asmara to bring down the regime? Each objective would produce a different outcome, not only for Eritrea but for the wider Horn of Africa.
We will probably get an indication within the first couple of weeks of whether the war will be brief or prolonged. If Eritreaâs trench warfare and fortified positions can absorb Ethiopiaâs drone and airpower advantage, the conflict could drag on for much longer. But if the ENDF pierces that defensive system and Ethiopiaâs advantages in drones, airpower, surveillance and battlefield coordination prove decisive, as they did in the recent fighting against the TPLF, the fighting could move quickly into Eritrean territory.
In 2000, Ethiopian forces broke through heavily fortified Eritrean positions, captured Barentu and advanced deep inside Eritrea. Todayâs military technology and political environment are very different, but that experience shows that deep military penetration can generate enormous political leverage without requiring the occupation of the entire country.
Before the confrontation reaches that stage, Isaias could still try to bargain. If the war leaves him with no realistic path to military victory, the TPLF could become one of his remaining bargaining cards. He could offer to end support for the TPLF, deny sanctuary to its leaders and combatants, withdraw Eritrean forces from Ethiopia and negotiate broader security arrangements in return for halting the Ethiopian advance. An alliance that is useful while it weakens Ethiopia could quickly become expendable once preserving it begins to threaten the survival of his own regime.
Four Possible Scenarios
1. A Military Coup and Negotiated Deal
If Eritreaâs defences collapse, senior military commanders could conclude that preserving Eritrea and much of the existing state structure requires sacrificing Isaias. They might exploit the public discontent triggered by military defeat to remove him and negotiate a deal with Abiy to prevent Ethiopian forces from advancing to Asmara. This could offer Ethiopia the least costly exit from the war, without requiring it to occupy Eritrea or dismantle the countryâs political and military structure.
The main obstacle is that Eritreaâs generals are reportedly deeply divided, while Isaias has spent decades preventing powerful commanders from becoming alternative centres of authority. Whether they could unite around a common plan to remove Isaias and negotiate with Abiy remains uncertain. A major military defeat, however, could quickly change those calculations if senior commanders begin to see Isaias himself as an obstacle to preserving the Eritrean state.
2. An Insurgency Led by Isaias or Remnants of the Eritrean Military
Isaias could abandon Asmara, retreat to the Sahel Mountains and attempt to wage a guerrilla war, potentially using Sudan as a supply route. Such a strategy could deny Abiy a quick political victory even after a decisive conventional defeat of the Eritrean army.
However, Isaiasâs age and record of repression could undermine his ability to mobilise popular support. The greater danger for Ethiopia may be remnants of the Eritrean military and security establishment reorganising around Eritrean nationalism rather than Isaias personally returning to guerrilla warfare.
Many Eritreans who oppose Isaias could still resist a prolonged Ethiopian military presence, turning a military victory into a much more difficult political problem.
3. Bypassing Asmara and Advancing Toward Assab
Ethiopia could bypass Asmara and advance toward Assab, prioritising access to the Red Sea over the immediate overthrow of Isaias. Abiy could seek to establish control over the port and negotiate from a position of strength, potentially leaving Isaias in power in a weakened Eritrea.
However, capturing a port is not the same as securing sustainable maritime access. Such a move could provoke further resistance, invite external intervention and allow Isaias to portray the war as Ethiopian territorial expansion. If Ethiopian military action remains focused on expelling Eritrean forces and neutralising threats originating from Eritrean territory, Ethiopia retains a strong sovereignty and self-defence argument.
That does not mean Ethiopia should abandon its legitimate strategic interest in reliable Red Sea access. A militarily weakened Eritrean government would create a very different balance of power for future negotiations, potentially allowing Ethiopia to pursue commercial, infrastructure and security arrangements from a much stronger position without trying to settle every strategic objective through military occupation.
That diplomatic option is becoming more plausible as the wider Red Sea environment shifts, with Israel having recognised Somaliland, President Trump publicly describing Somaliland as distinct from Somalia, and Somaliland recently reiterating its willingness to discuss Ethiopian access to Berbera. These developments do not settle Ethiopiaâs maritime problem, but they suggest that its options are expanding and that a stronger Ethiopia may be able to secure diversified Red Sea access through diplomacy and strategic leverage rather than territorial occupation.
4. Advancing on Asmara and Bringing Down the Regime
Abiy could continue the offensive toward Asmara, directly threatening Isaiasâs rule. Isaias might flee the country or fall into the hands of his enemies. But the central question would be whether Ethiopia actually needs to occupy Asmara or whether the threat of losing the capital could force negotiations, encourage senior commanders to remove Isaias, or produce an internal settlement before occupation becomes necessary.
The greater danger would come if the regime collapses without a credible transition capable of preserving basic state authority. A power vacuum, competing armed factions or the fragmentation of the security establishment could leave Ethiopia facing a prolonged crisis along its northern frontier even after winning the conventional war.
These scenarios are not mutually exclusive in every respect, nor are they predictions. Much would depend on the resilience of Eritreaâs defences, the cohesion of its military leadership, Ethiopiaâs ability to sustain an offensive, and the response of regional and international powers.
As I have argued before, defeating the Eritrean army would not mean determining Eritreaâs political future. Military victory and political settlement are different achievements, a lesson Ethiopia learned painfully after the capture of Mekelle in 2020, when a major battlefield victory was not converted into a durable political settlement. Repeating that mistake inside another sovereign state would carry even greater consequences.
For Ethiopia, victory should therefore be judged less by how many kilometres ENDF advances than by whether the war leaves the northern frontier secure, hostile armed actors without external sanctuary, and Ethiopia in a stronger regional position without the burden of an open-ended occupation.
If the military balance eventually leaves Isaias unable to sustain the confrontation, the battlefield question will give way to a more difficult political one. Who governs Eritrea after him, and whether that transition produces a stable neighbour or another security threat for Ethiopia, will then become the next question to examine.
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70
The take that just broke the room:
FANO = Al-Shabaab.
Massive accusation.
I still think heâs right.
Only regret?
He said it first. đ¤Ł
Tesfay Tadesse @tesfayetaddesse declared: âAl-Shabab and FANO are the same.â Then he added that the Amhara people are âexpansionists and invaders.â
Tesfaye Tadesse, a TPLF/TDF leader, stood on an X Space hosted by @iii_law preaching about unity between TPLF and FANO under the banner of Ximdo/Tsimdoâwhile insisting Welkait and Raya belong to Tigray.
That is not strategy. That is contradiction dressed as outreach.
You cannot equate an Amhara resistance movement with a jihadist group and then invite that same movement into a political alliance. You cannot brand an entire people of Amhara as invaders while demanding they accept your claim to the very lands they consider theirs. Unity talk that begins with insults and ends with territorial maximalism is not unity. It is a demand that the other side surrender first and smile afterward.
What made the scene worse was the reaction: the Amhara FANO National Movements supporters cheered him as a âbrilliant TPLF leader.â They applauded a man who had just compared their fighters to Al-Shabab and their people to invaders, so long as he also offered a vague handshake.
A leader who needs your partnership should not first need to defame you. A movement that seeks dignity should not clap for the person who just denied it. The hypocrisy is not subtle. It is the entire performance.
78
OMG.Not again. Really?
Sir @dawit_giorgis , Three weeks ago you wrote:
âAmhara does not need alliance with TPLF⌠refrain from controversial alliance.â
Same day you called TPLF âthe source of all evils in modern Ethiopia.â
Today you are âpleased!!!!â and tell us to âfully supportâ the same coalition that you were strongly against. Are you serious or just kidding?
Iâve never seen or read such a political flip-flopping any where in this world.
You cheered the war that Fano fought against TPLF. You spent years warning that TPLF/OLA are hostile to Amhara land, Welkait, Raya, and Ethiopian unity. You even told us that ááá should be incorporated to Amhara regional state. Now the âunholy coalitionâ you rejected has miraculously become sacred , because you think this is the moment that makes you relevant again.
Bad news, sir: you are not a comeback kid. Not now. Not ever.
You were a Major in the Dergâs inner circle, a deputy foreign minister, a governor of Eritrea and then a head of the Relief and Rehabilitation Commission under Mengistu. When the regime cracked, you fled to the US. The same government you served accused you of walking off with famine-relief money. Of course,You denied it. History has kept the file, though.
Ethiopians already have a name for this type of political opportunist & a notorious flip-flopper:
âááá áááŤáá
á˝ áłá á!!!
Sorry, Major. The wind changes. Your record does not. You will not be relevant.
áááá°á!!!
I am pleased to inform you that Amhara Fano is forming an alliance with all anti-Abiy organizations, including the TPLF, with the fundamental interests of the Amhara people as preconditions for a lasting agreement. We need to fully support this initiative.
165
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@NeaminZeleke @HOAAffairs @Wazemaradio @MeseretMedia @tikvahethiopia @EmishawEskedar
@GTWTW_ @yeabatulij @Tseday @ytmn2
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á áľááŠá ááłá á áłááŤáŠá
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This Post is from a suspended account. Learn more
81
áĽá¨áᥠáá?!
~áťážá 08/09/26
"áá° á áŤá... áá° á áĽááá¤
áŤáᏠááŁáľ... áááá áá..."
á¨áᏠáľááłááľ áĽááłáá°áááá¤
"áĽá¨áᥠáá!(?)"...áááľáŽ ááá::
áŁááľ á¨áááľáá ááźá ááá á áľá¤
á˘áᥠá˘ááŠáľ... ááś áá áá á áľ?
á¨á˘áľáŽáľáŤ á áľáłá... á¨áľáá áááá¤
á áĽááť á°á á°ááá á á¨áá::
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áĽááá...
áááá...
áĽá ááŽ...
áĽá á¨áá¨áŽ...
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á áá°á áĽáá°'á¨áąáľ áá˝ áá á¨ááľááŁá?
á á˘á á á°áŤá á¨áŽáŞá°á ááááľá¤
"ááľáłáá" ááá
... áááá áľáľá á˝á-ááľ::
áĽáá°áááĄááľ áĽá¨á°ááááá¤
áśáľáŤá á¨áá°á áłáŤá°á
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á ááŤá áŁáá áľ... á ááľ áá áŁáá::
áĽá¨áᥠáá...!
áĽá¨áᥠáá?
á áŚáá˛áŤ ááá áľáá´ á¨á¨áľáŠá¤
á§áŻ áá˛áŤ... ááĽá°á áá áá°áŠ?
á¨á˘áąá ááá áĽáá°áá¨áąá¤
á á ááľ áááŠá áĽáŤáá¨áąá¤
á¨áľááá áá á áłáľ áĽá¨ááŽáąá¤
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ááĄááľ áĽá¨á°áááá...
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áŚáŽáᣠá áľááŹáŁ á°á áŁááŤ...
áĽá¨ááᨠáá... áá°á´ áŠáłáŤá¤
á°áᤠáĽááá¤... áŚáŞááá ááŤ::
á¨ááłáĽ áľááŽá˝ ááá°áá°áŠá¤
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áá°áá áĽáá... áá°ááľ á áŤáá::
á°á áĽáá° ááł... áĽáá°á á áá¸áá¤
"ááŁá" ááá ... á§áŻ áááľ áááŁáŁá¸á !
á á
፠á°áŁá´ áľáłáá... á፠áĽááŻá á ááľáłá¤
"áĽá¨áᥠáá"... áááĄá á¨áŤáá áľ áŚáł á¤
á áľá¨ áľááŁáá áá¨áĽáŁá ...
ááĽá°á á ááĽáł::
áŤáş á°á áĽáá˛á
á á
áá á
ᤠáŁáľá áŁ
ááł áŁá°á¨á˝... á áá
ááá áŁáŁ::
~đŞđš ~ áťážá ~đŞđš~
#áĽá¨ááĄáá
50
youtube.com/shorts/6cSUAnATk⌠via @YouTube
A war monger ( Hadley Laura Gamble) :
đ They starved you .
đ They are killing you.
đ Whatâs the point of being the biggest Arab military if it isnât used to bomb #Ethiopia.
I mean the FM had shown a tremendous restraint while she was pressuring him to declare war just right there in the interview.
Not only her offensive words but also her tone, eye rolling , facial expression & gestures tell a volume about her hatred to #Ethiopia.
You wonder :) whatâs Ethiopiaâs fault to deserve a war , after all? đđžđđž
youtu.be/wqqsaz21w3c?is=Sh5qâŚ
A failed journalist is calling for war.
I just want to understand how some of these so called âjournalistsâ sleep at night @_HadleyGamble
Are war mongering agents ever held accountable in the world of journalism? @Ethical_News and who governs this?
Core Principles
Most professional codes, such as the Society of Professional Journalists Code of Ethics, are built on foundational values: [1]
â˘Seek Truth and Report It: Verify facts, check sources, and never intentionally distort information.
â˘Minimize Harm: Show compassion for vulnerable subjects and respect private grief.
â˘Act Independently: Avoid conflicts of interest, corruption, and political or financial influence from advertisers.
â˘Be Accountable: Acknowledge mistakes quickly, issue prominent corrections, and invite public criticism. [1, 2]
103
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á áááá ááĽá áá
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áľ áá˝ á áá ááᣠá¨áľáá
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What a hypocrisy! You (@msayMekonnen ) . Please donât mix your youtube channel (Anchor) with a real media . Regardless, you have been using it to mis & disinform your gullible viewers. I understand that you are trying to earn a living for yourself. You have to do it with responsibility , though!
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Demystifying the #Ethiopia|n constitution , related side issues & more.
Conversation with the writer, thinker and activist Tsegaye Ararssa on the Addis Ababa question:
youtu.be/Wd-NbdeTFGI?si=Izm5âŚ
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~đŞđš ~ áťážá ~đŞđš~
#áĽá¨ááĄáá
@grok , your sharp titerary criticism is welcome by me. Please analyze, interpret, and evaluate my poem. No mercy !
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ááŽáᎠ~ áťážá
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áŤáááŁáŁá á፠áŤááŁá
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á áĽá¨á áĽá¨ááá áŤááŤá¨á
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ááŻá˝áá á°ááá - á¨ááá°ááá
á¨áŤáá˝ áááá - á¨áááá¨áá!
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áťážá 07/06/24 G.C
á¨á ááľ á áá áĽáá°áá áľáá˝ ááŤáŤáááľ
áᣠááᏠáááź áĽáľáááŤáľ 08/01/26
The Poison of Chauvinism and Narrow Nationalism
Chauvinism and narrow nationalism are among the most destructive forces any nation can face. They do not simply create political disagreementsâthey poison minds, divide families, turn communities against one another, and weaken the country from within.
Look around Ethiopia today. Oromos are fighting Oromos. Amharas are fighting Amharas. Political differences have become so deeply rooted in ethnic identity that many people now see fellow Ethiopians as enemies rather than partners in building the nation. That is not strength; it is self-destruction.
Perhaps the most disturbing consequence of this mindset is that some people become so blinded by hatred for their domestic rivals that they are willing to cooperate with anyone who shares that hatredâeven forces whose interests may not align with Ethiopiaâs. Throughout history, external powers have often benefited when Ethiopians were divided. That lesson should never be forgotten.
History also shows the heavy price of internal division. Eritreaâs independence left Ethiopia landlocked after a long and complex political and military struggle. The introduction of ethnic federalism under the TPLF-led government fundamentally reshaped Ethiopian politics, with supporters arguing it recognized diversity while critics contend it entrenched ethnic competition and mistrust. Regardless of where one stands, few can deny that ethnic polarization has become one of the countryâs greatest challenges.
Many Ethiopians also remember serious human rights abuses committed during different periods of our history. These painful experiences should unite us in saying, âNever again,â rather than becoming reasons for new cycles of hatred and revenge.
What is difficult to understand is how some who proudly claim to defend Ethiopia can celebrate alliances with those they once described as adversaries simply because they share a common opponent âTsimdoâ . Political disagreement should never become so extreme that it overshadows the national interest.
The irony is painful. The very communities that have contributed enormously to Ethiopiaâs historyâincluding the Oromo and the Amharaâare too often encouraged to view one another as permanent enemies. While ordinary citizens argue, suffer, and sometimes fight, Ethiopia as a whole grows weaker.
The answer is not more ethnic politics. It is not more chauvinism. It is not more narrow nationalism.
The answer is equal citizenship, justice under the law, respect for every community, and a shared commitment to Ethiopiaâs future. No Ethiopian should be judged by ethnicity. Every Ethiopian should be judged by character, integrity, and contribution to the nation.
Those who profit from division may win political battles, but Ethiopia loses.
A nation cannot survive if its citizens cheer for one anotherâs failure. A nation cannot prosper if hatred becomes its ideology. And no country can remain strong when its people become so consumed by ethnic politics that they forget they share the same homeland.
If we truly love Ethiopia, we must reject chauvinism, reject narrow nationalism, and reject every ideology that teaches us to hate one another. The future of Ethiopia depends not on which ethnic group prevails over another, but on whether Ethiopians choose unity over division, truth over propaganda, and the national interest over ethnic politics.
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@grok áᎠáᎠááĽáá áĽáá°ááŁá
áĽáá°á°á¨áłáá á°ááľáá:: á¨á°ááłáłá á˘áľáŽáľáŤá ááĽáá˝ áá á ááłáľá¨á:: áľáááĽáá áááľ á ááááŠá áááĽááąá áĽáá° áľáááĽá ááá á°á¸á::
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