Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· (@biniamb) header
Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· (@biniamb) profile picture

Personal Account | Working at Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Eritrea #ሻዕቄያ #Shaebia

Asmara
Joined May 2009
Photo by Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· (@biniamb)Photo by Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· (@biniamb)Photo by Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· (@biniamb)Photo by Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· (@biniamb)Photo by Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· (@biniamb)Photo by Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· (@biniamb)Photo by Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· (@biniamb)Photo by Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· (@biniamb)Photo by Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· (@biniamb)Photo by Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· (@biniamb)
#Eri101: There is no place for 'both-partiesm' or false equivalency. Only one neighbour has a declared—and repeated ad nauseam—policy of violating the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its neighbour, while fabricating ludicrous 'narratives' to justify this.
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Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· retweeted
The grim spectacle (photos in the link below) of Potemkin Party's senior government officials undergoing, and even eulogizing, some misplaced military training and "militarism", provokes a host of perplexing questions on the PP's perspectives and modus operandi. To be clear, the spiraling domestic conflicts that are besetting Ethiopia and the escalating tensions in the region stem from the Potemkin Party's willful and misguided policies. They are indeed the offspring of the PP's wars of choice; so to speak. The recent upheaval in Moyale that has ignited internecine conflict between the Somali and Oromia Regions; the ferocious wars raging in the Tigray and Amhara Regions etc... stem from its dysfunctional governance architecture. In the wider Horn of Africa Region, the Potemkin Party continues to instigate and manufacture unnecessary and avoidable tensions with Eritrea, Somalia, and the Sudan respectively in pursuit of myopic and ill-advised agendas of territorial irredentism and destabilization; often to advance, as a surrogate party, the larger schemes of certain external powers. In the event, the Potemkin Party does not require additional "militarism" but therapeutic introspection - ናይ ክልተ ሾውዓተ ማጚሎቔ ደርዓንቶ! Ethiopia and the region cannot indeed afford, and must be spared from, yet another cycle of costly conflicts and turmoil. nitter.gq/fanatelevision/status/

đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡č Military Science Training Strengthens Senior Leaders’ Readiness for National Security Decisions in Ethiopia: Foreign Minister Read more âžĄïž facebook.com/share/p/18onUEV

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Your Excellency Commissioner @Bankole_Adeoye, the Algiers Agreement is fully implemented. Done and dusted! pca-cpa.org/ar/cases/99/ The question now is "Will the UNSC and the AU Rein in Ethiopia’s Expansionism and Aggression?" shabait.com/2026/10/21/will-

African Union moves to revive Ethiopia-Eritrea peace agreement
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Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· retweeted
Welcomed Ms. Elena Piriondi, Chief of the Executive Board Branch, and Mr. Robert Stevens for a briefing and exchange on the development of the new @UNFPA Country Programme for #Eritrea. Discussions focused on the programme's substantive elements, strategic orientation, development process and alignment with Eritrea's national development priorities. The briefing provided an opportunity to review the proposed areas of cooperation, expected results and the framework for UNFPA's continued engagement in #Eritrea. Emphasis was placed on ensuring national ownership, meaningful consultation with relevant national institutions and coherence between the programme's objectives and Eritrea's development priorities. The exchange also took place against the backdrop of wider UN reform discussions, including system-wide concerns surrounding the proposed mergers of UN entities, institutional restructuring and the broader implications of the reform process for the UN development system. Issues of particular relevance include the potential implications for institutional mandates, accountability, governance arrangements, resource allocation, country-level presence and the delivery of development assistance. The importance of ensuring that reform does not undermine specialized mandates, diminish Member State oversight or compromise the ability of UN entities to respond to the distinct priorities and circumstances of programme countries was highlighted. The UNFPA representatives outlined the next steps in the programme development and approval process, confirming that the new Country Programme for #Eritrea will be presented to the @UNFPA Executive Board in 2027.
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Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· retweeted
💉 The Gavi mission saw firsthand how immunization and essential health services reach remote communities. @gavi, the Ministry of Health, UNICEF & WHO also discussed priorities to strengthen immunization and Primary Health Care services to achieve Universal Health Coverage.
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Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· retweeted
In the current international/diplomatic discourse regarding the imperative of adherence to, and respect of, foundational pillars of international law as well as the maintenance of regional peace and security, the following salient facts and sequence of events must be recognized, without any equivocation, as the kernel/principal causes behind the prevailing grave situation: 1. On 13 October 2023, the Potemkin Party willfully manufactured an unnecessary and avoidable crises between the two countries by formally and publicly declaring its hostile agenda of acquiring "sovereign access to the sea", apparently and ultimately through invasion and occupation of Eritrea's sovereign lands. This dangerous declaration constituted a flagrant violation of foundational pillars of international law as well as the Joint Declaration of Peace and Friendship signed between the two countries in Asmara on 9 July 2018. 2. This initial declaration was ramped up in subsequent years through relentless and incendiary media campaigns; associated saber-rattling, and massive rearmament. The scope of the PP's impending invasion was also broadened to include forcible incorporation of Eritrea's southern coastline (see attached map) for the establishment of "a sovereign naval force with strategic depth". 3. The war agenda was further ratcheted up and translated into an operational plan when the PP regime launched its military operations in the Tigray Administrative Region in mid-September this year. Indeed a couple of days after the eruption of the war, the PP's Deputy Chief of Staff announced that "Mekelle will be a mere stop-over... the main objective is to install our flag in the Red Sea". 4. And on 9 October last month, the PP regime went further to ominously "notify the UNSC" on the unleashing of its war of aggression against Eritrea under the spurious pretext of "self-defense". The writing on the wall is thus crystal clear; eliciting, as it does, unequivocal condemnation as well as requisite deterrent measures in accordance with explicit provisions of the UN Charter and associated instruments.
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Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· retweeted
ETHIOPIA’S OVERTLY DECLARED WAR AGENDA AGAINST ERITREA (Verbatim Statements by Ethiopian Government Senior Officials regarding Eritrea’s Sovereignty) Abiy Ahmed Ali, Prime Minister of Ethiopia · "Sovereign access to the sea by any means necessary - through negotiations if possible and by force if necessary, Ethiopia would not remain a prisoner of geography." · "Regarding the Red Sea, and speaking about it repeatedly, let me say it again to make my stance clear; why does Israel hold the Golan Heights? Israel holds the Golan Heights because it believes problems regarding national security, survival and its existence
 People are born, grow, age and people die, this is natural. Red Sea access and Ethiopia are just like that." · “We have found no document – in Cabinet, Parliament and other Government Archives - that asserts Eritrea's independence”. Taking their cue from the Prime Minister’s incendiary statement, Prosperity Party state media channels actively called on citizens to mobilize and ‘withdraw’ recognition of Eritrea's 1993 sovereignty, labeling it a ‘historical mistake’." · "Adulis, located on the Eritrean Gulf, can be considered one option. Massawa and Assab can also be considered other options. We do not necessarily hold the position that it must be Assab or Massawa. What we seek is simply a breathing (sovereign) outlet, access to the sea." · "As you know, five or six years ago we established a navy. Did we establish it so that it [the Navy] could swim around in this glass [container]? I am a million percent certain; Ethiopia will not remain landlocked-whether anyone likes it or not." · "For Ethiopia, losing access to the Red Sea took about 30 years [Eritrea’s legitimate struggle for liberation] - after the 30 years’ war, Ethiopia lost it. Now, however, I do not think Ethiopia needs another 30 years to retake it". · "Therefore, efforts will be made to resolve the issue and minimize losses. Whether it happens through peace or through force, it is inevitable". · "If fighting breaks out, the outcome is clear. After that, crying and wailing will be of no use. If we enter [the war], the outcome is clear. We have sufficient and dependable capability. There is no force that can stop us. This must be clear”. Field Marshal Berhanu Jula, Chief of Staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) · "We will strengthen our army. We will accelerate our development. We will obtain access to the sea, whether through peace or through force; through negotiations if possible and by force if necessary - through Bale or Bole". General Abebaw Tadesse, Deputy Chief of Staff of the ENDF · "The offensive launched in Tigray will not stop there. Mekelle is a mere stop-over; our ultimate destination is Assab; our main objective is to raise our flag in the Red Sea". Ethiopian Air Force Commander General Yilma Merdasa · “The main goal is the recovery of sovereign sea access, particularly through the Eritrean port of Assab.” Maj-Gen. Teshome Gemechu: Director-General of International Relations and Military Cooperation (ENDF) · "Ethiopia is not a landlocked nation. We are not landlocked. Rather, we are an ocean-linked country. Ethiopia had it. And even though the matter hasn't been resolved yet, we are not landlocked". · "We were created together with the water. We used to have water. The water used to be ours as well as the port. Because it is a special case, we have a double right to demand it". · "The Red Sea belongs to Ethiopia. We will take it back at any cost! Assab is Ethiopia's Red Sea province". · "The port of Assab, even its design was made in such a way that it only serves Ethiopia, or starting from the Afar region, focusing only on serving through that route - take this into account as well: in international law, it can serve for a dispute". Military Commanders · Public displayed, at the Inauguration of Military Recruits few months ago, of an official Map of Ethiopia that unlawfully incorporates the port city of Assab and Eritrea's southern coastal territories. L. General Alemshet Degife, Advisor to the ENDF and Chief of Staff and Board Chairman of the Defense Engineering Industrial Corporation (DEIC) · "We have entered a process about a territory we do not control, which connects [us] to other continents, could allow those whom we have historically regarded as our enemies to establish themselves directly within 60 kilometers of us without asking our permission". Shimelis Abdisa, President of the Oromia Region · " Irrecha [traditional Oromo celebrations] will be celebrated in the Red Sea (Assab), next year." General Bacha Debele, Former Ethiopia's Ambassador to Kenya · "When we say Assab belongs to Ethiopia, it is because it belongs to Ethiopia. What you [Eritrea] took by force, we will return by force". · "Once war breaks out, there will be no such thing as the Government of Eritrea. This must be clearly understood. Geography will change. Governments will change. The borders of countries will also change. The border that exists between Eritrea and Ethiopia will cease to exist". · "If the Eritrean Government ceases to exist, what could possibly happen? It will collapse on its own and it will be gone. Isn't this war? Once a war breaks out like this, there is no distinction between the rear base and front line. In modern warfare, there aren’t separate rear base and front lines. Any place becomes a front line. Asmara cannot remain a rear base area [no-combat zone], while Badme is the front line. Both are the front lines". General Tsadkan Gebretensae, Military Advisor to the ENDF ‱ "I have begun raising the idea that we should correct the mistakes we made previously and seize Assab from them [Eritrea]". ‱ "At present, our relationship with Eritrea is not merely an issue of national security, nor merely about raising the question of ports or discussing the Eritrean government. I believe we must recognize, in light of history, that the manner in which we answer the Eritrean question is connected to our very existence”. Ambassador Dina Mufti, Member of the Federal Parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee · “Ethiopia's quest for sovereign sea access is non-negotiable”; and he proceeded to aggressively demand international pressure against Eritrea! Daniel Kibret, Social Affairs Advisor to Ethiopia's Prime Minister · "Once Ethiopia obtains access to the sea, the reason for Eritrea being Eritrea will cease!" Adanech Abebe, Mayor of Addis Ababa City · "Are we supposed to live forever with the question of our sea closed off to us? There is no young person who will accept living with it closed; at one time it was close to us and we lost it. But this generation will not accept that”. Lencho Bati, Director General at MoFA of Ethiopia's Diaspora Service · "The Ethiopian military that suffered in the deserts of Tigray, will not stop before taking off its shoes by the Red Sea and wash its feet on Eritrean Red Sea waters”.
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Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· retweeted
President Isaias Afwerki met, at the Denden Guest House in the early evening hours today, Mr. Hu Changchun, China's Special Envoy for Horn of Africa Affairs. The extensive talks centered on bilateral ties and current developments in the region. Mr. Hu Changchun reiterated the PRC's position on the imperative of respecting Eritrea's sovereignty and territorial integrity.
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Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· retweeted
ETHIOPIA’S OVERTLY DECLARED WAR AGENDA AGAINST ERITREA (Verbatim Statements by Ethiopian Government Senior Officials denigrating Eritrea’s Sovereignty) The Potemkin Party is engaged, these days, in a frenzied and deceitful diplomatic campaign to re-package the unprovoked war that it has declared against Eritrea for over three years now in “self-defense garb”. As illustrated in the link below, the regime has leveraged, throughout this period without let-up, all its political, media and military institutions to indoctrinate its population, and especially the youth, with incendiary propaganda to normalize and rationalize a war of aggression against Eritrea. To this end: 1. Eritrea’s Statehood and hard-won independence were, and continue to be, denigrated as “a conspiratorial Project conceived by external forces”. These inflammatory and provocative positions constitute brazen violations of international law and the sovereignty and integrity of a UN member State. 2. The Eritrean sovereign port of Assab is often depicted as “stolen Ethiopian land” that must be retrieved to “correct a historical mistake”. This falsehood and revisionist narrative of history is peddled to justify its agenda of “sovereign access to the sea”. 3. Eritrea’s southern coastal land must also be annexed to provide “strategic depth” to Ethiopia’s phantom navy. 4. Even prior to its declaration of war against Eritrea through the announcement of its Leader to the House of Peoples Representatives on 13 October 2023, and as early as July-August 2022 while the war in the Tigray Administrative Region was still raging, the Potemkin Party had sought to create an alliance with the TPLF to wage war against Eritrea which it had dubbed as the “ultimate enemy” of both entities. 5. The Potemkin Party also ramped up, inconsequential as it may be, its hostile activities of sponsoring subversive groups (“RASDO”, “Green Islamic Movement”, and another obscure outfit classified as a foreign-based terrorist Group by Germany’s Prosecutor Office) for the purposes of “regime change”. 6. The intensive war campaign and relentless saber-rattling have been accompanied by massive weapons purchasing spree; mostly underwritten by external forces. shabait.com/2026/11/02/ethio

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Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· retweeted
Welcomed Mr. Guang Cong, Special Envoy of the @UN Secretary-General for the #HornOfAfrica, to the Permanent Mission of #Eritrea for an exchange of views on developments in the region. Discussed situation in #Sudan, #SouthSudan, and #Somalia, highlighting how external interventions are aggravating conflicts, deepening divisions, and undermining prospects for peace. Emphasized respect for national sovereignty, nationally owned political processes, and constructive international engagement. On #Eritrea–#Ethiopia relations, made it abundantly clear that any prospect of engagement with #Ethiopia's leadership on any level, requires a prior, public, unequivocal, and unconditional renunciation of coercion, threats, and the use of force, alongside unambiguous recognition of Eritrea's independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. These are fundamental principles. Neither the @UN nor the @African_Union should normalize threats, entertain territorial claims, or reward coercive rhetoric. Dialogue must not legitimize the PP's conduct or create false equivalence. Also cautioned against the inadvertent instrumentalization of international representatives to advance #Ethiopia's political narratives, manufacture external endorsements, or portray diplomatic engagements as tacit approval of its conduct. The PP's ongoing photo-op diplomacy must not camouflage realities on the ground or obscure the consequences of impunity. Carefully staged diplomatic encounters and high-profile international appearances are not endorsements of government policies, conduct, or regional ambitions, nor should they shield the #Ethiopian leadership from scrutiny and accountability. The international community must look beyond diplomatic optics and confront the deteriorating situation within #Ethiopia, where the PP government continues to employ deadly force against its own population. Civilians have been killed, livelihoods and infrastructure destroyed, and communities subjected to violence and displacement across #Afar, #Amhara, #Benishangul-Gumuz, #Somali, Tigray, and Oromia regions . Civilian protection and accountability demand urgent international attention. Stressed that regional peace cannot be built by externalizing #Ethiopia's internal crises or pressuring Eritrea. Meaningful engagement requires trust, mutual respect, sovereign equality, and good faith, conditions that do not currently exist. The immediate priority must be to address the PP's threats and conduct that have undermined regional peace. #Eritrea will neither be drawn into #Ethiopia's internal political and security crises nor allow itself to become a convenient distraction from the challenges confronting the Ethiopian leadership. Those challenges must be addressed within Ethiopia, not externalized onto its neighbours.
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Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· retweeted
#Ethiopia’s massive arms procurement and military assistance date back to Haile Selassie’s reign. Arms acquisitions from 1950 to 2025 amount to billions upon billions of dollars. Yet, who asks where all those weapons ended up? Literally, Ethiopia has been burning money! đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡čđŸ’°đŸ”„ – at Eritrea
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Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· retweeted
'#Eritrea’s strategic location & its resilience in overcoming orchestrated conflicts & external pressures, & its success in nurturing a self-reliant & resilient nation ensures that it will remain an irreplaceable stakeholder in the future of the Red Sea & the #HOA.' MoI Eritrea
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Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· retweeted
ዓሎቕ ሔርዓቔ ቄልጜግና ኣቄ ልዕሊ ኀርቔራ ናሆም ተሔፋሚካኀል ክፍሊ ምርምርን ሓበሬታን ሚኒሔቔáˆȘ áŒ‰á‹łá‹«á‰” á‹ˆáŒ»áŠą ሔርዓቔ ቄልጜግና ኣቄ ልዕሊ ኀርቔራ ዘዚቋርጜን ዝተወሃሃደን ናይ ሓሶቔ áŠ­áˆ”á‰łá‰” ካቄ ምግዋሕ ኣይዓሹፈን፱ áŠŁá‰„á‹˜áŠ• ዝሓለፋ ሰለሔተ á‹“áˆ˜á‰łá‰” ንመሬታዊ ሓዔነቔን áˆáŠĄáˆ‹á‹áŠá‰”áŠ• ኀርቔራ ዝጄሕሔ á‰°áŒ»á‰ŁáŠą መግለáŒșታቔ ቄሰፊሑ ቄሓለፍቔን ምሁራንን áŒ‹á‹œáŒ áŠ›á‰łá‰”áŠ• ካልኊቔ ዝተዓደጉ á‹ˆáŒ»áŠ„á‰°áŠ›á‰łá‰”áŠ• ዘሳተፈ ዜናውን á‹Čፕሎማሔያውን ዘመተ ኚካይዔ ጾኒሑን ኣሎን፱ ኄዚ ጜዑቕ áŒŽáˆ”áŒ“áˆłá‰” ክልተ á‹áŠŁáŠ•áˆá‰± áŠ„á‹©áą ኄá‰Č ቀዳማይ áŠŁáŠ•áˆá‰”áĄ ህዝቱ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ዘዹለ ቔሚኻ ኣሚኑ ናቄ á‹˜á‹šá‹”áˆá‹ź áŠČናቔ áŠšáˆá‹áŠŁá‰± ምግባር፡ ኄá‰Č áŠ«áˆáŠŁá‹­ ዔማ ንማሕበሚሰቄ ዓለም á‹Čፕሎማሔያዊ ቋንቋ ተጠቒምካ áŠŁáŒ€áŠ•á‹łáŠ» áˆá‰”áŒá‰Łáˆ­ áŠ„á‹©áą ሔርዓቔ ቄልጜግና ናይ ተልመዮን ፖለá‰Čካዊ ውዔቄ ኹም ምዃኑ መጠን ንኀርቔራ á‹á‹«á‹ł ኣቄ ተነጜሎን á‹Čፕሎማሔያዊ ጾቕጱን áŠ•áˆáŠ„á‰łá‹‹áĄ ሕጂ’ውን ካልኄ áŠ­áˆ”á‰łá‰” ቄሰፊሑ ዚዘንቱ ኣሎ፱ ገለ ካቄቶም ቄመáˆȘሕነቔ ሔርዓቔ ቄልጜግና ቄተደጋጋሚ ዝቐርቡ áŠ­áˆ”á‰łá‰”áĄ ኀርቔራ ቄዋጋ ዔኻም áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ክቔነቄር ዝወሰነቔ ሃገር áŠ„á‹«áĄ ኀርቔራ ኣቄ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ንዘሎ ኩሉ áˆ˜á‹łá‹«á‹Š áŒžáŒ„á‰łá‹Š ዘይምርግጋኄን ሓደጋ ምምቕቓልን ጠንቂ ኄያ ዝቄሉ áŠ„á‹źáˆáą ኄዚ áŠ­áˆ”á‰łá‰”â€™á‹š ነá‰Č ባዕሉ ኣቄ á‹áˆœáŒą áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ዘሳውሼ ዘሎ ሓዊ ናቄ ካልኄ áŠ•áˆáŒ„á‰Łá‰• á‹áŒˆá‰„áˆź ዘሎ ሃቐነ áŠ„á‹©áą መንግሔá‰Č ኀርቔራ ንሓዔነቔን ሰላምን áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ጄራይ ዘይኼነ ኣቄ ዞባ ቀርኒ ኣፍáˆȘቃን መላኄ ኣፍáˆȘቃን ሰላምን áˆ­áŒáŠŁá‰”áŠ• ምኄንá‰Č ክሰፍን ዘይቅዹር ራኄዩን ናይ ኩሉ ግዜ ዕላምኡን áˆáŠ•á‰Łáˆ© ታáˆȘኜ á‹áˆáˆ”áŠ­áˆź ሓቂ áŠ„á‹©áą ኀርቔራ ኹም ናጻን áˆáŠĄáˆ‹á‹Šá‰”áŠ• ሃገር ኣቄ ሰናይ ጒርቄቔና ኄተሰሚተ ናይ ምቔሕግጋዝ ሔቔራተጂ á‰„áˆáˆá‹•á‰Łáˆ ንሰላምን áˆ­áŒáŠŁá‰”áŠ• ናይዚ ዞባ á‰„á‰áŠ•á‹±áĄ ቄሓፈሻ ዔማ áŠ•á‰•áˆłáŠá‰” ናይ’ዛ ዓለም ኄጃማ ንምቄርካቔ ኣቄ ንጡፍ ሔራሕ ተጾሚዳ ቔርኚቄ ሃገር áŠ„á‹«áą ሓደ ካቄ መቔኚላቔ ፖሊáˆČ á‹áˆá‹”áŠ“á‰łá‰” á‹ˆáŒ»áŠą áŠ€áˆ­á‰”áˆ«áĄ መሬታዊ ሓዔነቔን áˆáŠĄáˆ‹á‹áŠá‰”áŠ• ሃገራቔ ጎደቩ ዘኜቄር ምሕዝነታዊ ምቔሕግጋዝን ሜርክነቔን ዝሕላገቱ ዝምዔና ንምምዕባል ምጜዓር áŠ„á‹©áą ኄንተኟነ ቅዔምን ዔሕርን áŠ“áŒœáŠá‰”áĄ ንህላወ ሃገሹ ኀርቔራ ዝጻሚር ፖሊáˆČ áˆá‹•áˆ«á‰„áĄ “ኀርቔራ ንሃገሹ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« áˆ”áŒáŠŁá‰” ኄያ” ዝቄል ናይ ኹደምá‰Č áˆ”áˆ­á‹“á‰łá‰” áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ኣጠማማታ ዝሹዓመ ኄዩ áŠá‹­áˆ©áą በዚ ፖሊáˆČ’ዚ ን80 á‹“áˆ˜á‰łá‰” ማለቔ ንሰለሔተ á‹ˆáˆˆá‹¶á‰łá‰” ዋጋ ዘኜፈለ ግጭቔ ተወሊዑ፱ á‹šáŒá‹łáˆ” መርገáŒș ኀርቔራ ኣቄ ልዕሊ áˆ…á‹á‰„á‰łá‰” áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ካቄ ነዊሕ áŠŁá‰”áˆ’á‹™ ቄዘዚሻሙ መገá‹Č ዝተነጾሹን ኣቄ ዝኟነ መዔሚኜ ተቐይሩ ዘይፈልጄን áŠ„á‹©áŁ መንግሔá‰Č ኀርቔራ’ውን ኣቄ ሓዔነቔን ምርግጋኄን áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ዘይንቕነቕ መርገáŒș ኄዩ ዘለዎ፱ “ኩሎም áŠŁáˆ…á‹›á‰„ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ተኾባቱሼም ቄሓዔነቔ á‹áŠá‰„áˆ©áˆ‹áĄ ሔምርá‰Čን ቄልጜግቔን ጎሚቀቔ ሃገር ንኀርቔራን ኄዚ ዞባን ዝዓበዹ ሚቄሓ ምዃኑ” ኄዩ ዝኣምን፱ ህዝቄን መንግሔá‰Čን ኀርቔራ ካቄ ኄዋን ሓርነታዊ ቃልáˆČ áŠŁá‰”áˆ’á‹žáˆ ምሔ ዕጄቃዊ ቃልáˆČ á‹˜áŠ«á‹­á‹ł ዝነበራ á‹á‹”á‰Łá‰” áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ኹም ህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነቔ ቔግራይ (ህወሓቔ)፡ ግንባር ሓርነቔ ኩሼሞ (ኩነግ)፡ ናይ áˆ…á‹á‰„á‰łá‰” áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ደሞክራáˆČያዊ ግንባር (኱ህዮን)፡ ሰውራዊ ሰልፊ áˆ…á‹á‰„á‰łá‰” áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« (኱ህኣፓ) ወዘተ. ዝምዔና á‰„áˆááŒŁáˆ­áĄ ኣቄ ዝሓጾሹ ግዜን ቄዝወሓደ መሔዋኄቔነቔን ደመኛ ጾላ኱ ክልá‰Čኩም áˆ…á‹á‰„á‰łá‰” ዝኟነ ደርግ á‰°áŠŁáˆá‹© መሰል áˆ…á‹á‰„á‰łá‰” ኀርቔራን áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹«áŠ• áŠ­áˆšáŒ‹áŒˆáŒœáĄ ኄá‰Č ቃልáˆČ ክወሃሃዔ á‹­áŒá‰ŁáŠ„ ዝቄል ዘይንቕነቕ መርገáŒș ኄዩ áŠá‹­áˆ©á‹Žáą á‹á‹”á‰Łá‰” áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ንማዕርነታዊ ሓዔነቔ ቄሄራቔ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« á‰„á‹˜áˆłáˆČ መገá‹Č ዕጄቃዊ ቃልáˆČ ኚካይዳ ዔማ ይዔርኜ áŠá‹­áˆ©áą áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« መሰል ማዕርነቔ ኩሎም ቄሄራቔ ናይ’ታ ሃገር á‰„á‹˜áŠœá‰„áˆ­áĄ ሓቛፊን ኣሳታፍን ሃገራዊ መንግሔá‰Č ክቔመሓደር ኣለዋ ዝቄል ርኄይቶ ኄዩ áŠá‹­áˆ©á‹Žáą ህዝባዊ ግንባር ንህወሓቔ ኣቄ á‰ áˆšáŠ»á‰łá‰” ሳሕል ሔሩዕ ወተሃደራዊ ታዕሊም áŠ„áŠ“áˆƒá‰ áĄ ፖለá‰Čካውን ቁጠባውን ደገፋቔ ዹበርክተሉ፡ ኣቄ ዔምáŒș áˆ“á‹áˆœáĄ ኄá‰Č ውዔቄ ናይ ገዛኄ ርኄ ሱ ፈነወ ኚካይዔ ይተሓባበር áŠá‹­áˆ©áą áˆœáˆ•â€™áŠł ኀርቔራ ንኣተሓሕዛ ምሩኻቔን áŒá‹łá‹«á‰” áŠČናቔን ዝምልኚቔ ቄ1949 ዝጾደቐ ውዕል ጀነቫ ዔሕáˆȘ ናጜነቔ áŠ„áŠ•á‰°áˆáˆšáˆ˜á‰”áˆ‰áĄ ካቄ ኄዋን ሓርነታዊ ቃልáˆČ áŠŁá‰”áˆ’á‹› á‰„áˆ°á‰„áŠŁá‹Š ኣተሓሕዛ ምሩኻቔ áŠČናቔ áŒœá‰Ąá‰• ታáˆȘኜ ዘለዋ ሃገር áŠ„á‹«áą ምሩኻቔ ወተሃደራቔ ሔርዓቔ ደርግ ዘዔሊ ክንክን áŠ„áŠ“á‰°áŒˆá‰„áˆšáˆŽáˆáĄ ሔሩዕ áŠŁáŠ«á‹łáˆá‹«á‹áŠ• ፖለá‰Čካውን ቔምህርá‰Č ኹም á‹á‰áˆ”áˆ™áĄ ኣቄ ባህላዊ áˆ˜á‹°á‰Łá‰” ኹም ዝነጄፉ ይግበር áŠá‹­áˆ©áą ክሳዕ ምሔ ቀተ-ሰቩም ናይ ምርኻቄ መገá‹Č á‰°áˆáŒąáˆ©áˆŽáˆáŁ ኣቄ ዔምáŒș ሓፋሜ áˆ˜á‹°á‰Łá‰” ተዋሂቄዎም ዔምጟም ዚሔምዑ ነይሼም፱ ኄዚ áŠŁá‹á‹© ሓቄሓቄን áŠŁáˆ›áŠ„á‹›áŠ’áŠ• ኣተሓሕዛ áˆáˆ©áŠ»á‰”áĄ ኣቄ ምሕያል ቃልáˆČ ህዝቱ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ልዑል ግደ áŠá‹­áˆ©á‹Žáą ምሩኻቔ ወተሃደራቔ ደርግ ኣቄ ሜዳ ኀርቔራ ቄዝቐሰምዎ ፖለá‰Čካዊ áŠ•á‰•áˆ“á‰”áĄ ኣቄ ዝተፈላለዹ ተቓለሔá‰Č á‹á‹”á‰Łá‰” áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ክሳተፉ ክ኱ሎም፱ ኣቄá‰Č ዔሓር á‰„áŠąáˆ…á‹ˆá‹°áŒ ዝተመሔሚተ መንግሔá‰Č áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ዔማ ዓቱ ግደ áŠá‹­áˆ©á‹Žáˆáą ኣቄ ዛዛሚ áŠČናቔ ግጄም ግንባር ደቀምሓሹ ካቄá‰Č ኣቄ ኀርቔራ ዝነበሹ 130 ሜሕ ዝቄዝሑ áŠ«áˆáŠŁá‹­ ኣቄዟታዊ áˆ°áˆ«á‹Šá‰”áŁ áŠŁáˆ”á‰łá‰” 80 ሜሕ ኣቄ መገá‹Č ኹሹንን á‰Łáˆ­áŠ«áŠ•áĄ áŠŁáˆ”á‰łá‰” 21 ሜሕ ኣቄ áŠ­áˆłá‹” ዒቃ፡ áŠŁáˆ”á‰łá‰” 13 ሜሕ ኣቄ áŠŁáˆ”áˆ˜áˆ«áŠ• ኹባቱኣን፡ ቄጠቕላላ 114 ሜሕ ወተሃደራቔ ተማáˆȘáŠŸáˆáŁ ምሕሚቔ ተገይሩሎም ናቄ ዓዶም ምፍናዎም መቐጾልታ ናይá‰Č ዘይንቕነቕ መርገáŒș ኀርቔራ ኣቄ áˆ°á‰„áŠŁá‹Š ኣተሓሕዛ ምሩኻቔ ኄዩ ዝነበሹ፱ ህዝባዊ ግንባር፡ ካቄ ፖለá‰Čካውን ሎጂሔá‰Čካውን ደገፍ ሓሊፉ፡ áŠŁáˆƒá‹±á‰łá‰± ናቄ á‹áˆœáŒą áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« á‰„áˆáˆáŠŁáŠœ ምሔ ተቓለሔá‰Č á‹á‹”á‰Łá‰” ይተሓጋገዝ ነይሩ áŠ„á‹©áą ንኣቄነቔ ኣቄá‰Č ናይ áˆ˜áŒšáˆšáˆœá‰ł áŒáŒ„áˆ›á‰”áĄ áŠŁáˆƒá‹±á‰łá‰” ኱ህወደግ ቄመካናይዝዔ ክፍለ- ሰራዊቔ 74 ቄርጌዔ 23 ናይ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ደገፍ ኄናተገቄሚለን ኄዚን ንሔርዓቔ ደርግ ካቄ áˆ”áˆáŒŁáŠ‘ ኣልዹንኩ፱ “ወፍáˆȘ á‰Žá‹”áˆźáˆ”â€ ኣቄ ዝተሰምዹ ንክፍላተ ሃገር ጎንደርን ጎጃምን ሓራ á‹˜á‹áŒœáŠ áĄ “ወፍáˆȘ ቀሉሱማ ወልቁጡማ” (ወፍáˆȘ ማዕርነቔን ናጜነቔን) ንክፍለ ሃገር ወለጋ ሓራ ዝገበሹ፡ “ወፍáˆȘ ዋልልኝ” ንክፍላተ ሃገር ወሎን ሰሜንን ምዕራቄን ክፍለ ሃገር ሜዋን ነጻ ንምውጻኄ ኣቄ ዝተኻዚደ ጄምጄም ህግሓኀ ዝነበሼ ተራ ልዑል áˆáŠ•á‰Łáˆ© ኣቄ ታáˆȘኜ ተመዝጊቡ ኣሎ፱ ኣቄ መንጎ ተቓለሔá‰Č á‹á‹”á‰Łá‰” áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ዝኜሰቱ ዝነበሩ መቓቐልá‰Č áŠŁá‰°áˆ“áˆłáˆ”á‰Łá‰łá‰” ንምኄራም ህዝባዊ ግንባር ዝወሰዶ ዝነበሹ ሔጉምá‰Č፡ ኀርቔራ ቄመቔኚል ግዝኣታዊ ሓዔነቔ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ክኜበር ኚምኄቔደልን áŠ•áˆá‰„á‰”á‰łáŠ• ዕላማ ዘለዎ ምውዳይ ኚምኄቔጻሚርን ዘነጜር áŠ„á‹©áą ዔሕáˆȘ ናጜነቔ ነá‰Č ዝነበሹ ኔነተ-áŠČናቔ ቄሓዔሜ ተሔፋ ዝህቄ ናይ ምቔሕግጋዝን ሜርክነቔን ዝምዔና á‰„áˆá‰”áŠ«áŠ„áĄ ህዝቄን መንግሔቔን ኀርቔራ ናቄ áˆšá‰„áˆ“á‰łá‰” ክልá‰Čኡ ህዝቱ ኣተáŠČሩ ሰáˆȘሑ፱ ፖሊáˆČ መንግሔá‰Č ኀርቔራ ኣቄ ሓዔነቔን ምርግጋኄን áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ቄመዔሚኻቔን ሓደሔá‰Č ክሔተቔን ዘይቅዹር ምዃኑ ዘመልክቔ ዔማ áŠ„á‹©áą መንግሔá‰Č ኀርቔራ ንነዊሕ ዝጠመተ ሔቔራተጂ ቄምሕንጻጜ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« áŠŁáŒˆáˆáŒáˆŽá‰” á‹ˆá‹°á‰Łá‰” ቄናጻ ክቔጄቀም ዘኜኄላ ፖሊáˆČ ነá‹Čፉ፣ ኣቄ ቁጠባ ክልá‰Čአን ሃገራቔ’ውን ናህáˆȘ ዘለዎ ዕቄዚቔ ክምዝገቄ ክ኱ሉ፱ መንግሔá‰Č ኀርቔራ ዓቕሚ ሰሓቄነቔ á‹ˆá‹°á‰Łá‰” ንምዕባይ ታáˆȘፍ ቄ20% ኚምዝጎዔል áˆ”áˆˆá‹áŒˆá‰ áˆšáĄ ቄዝሒ ዝራገፍን ዝጾዓንን ንቄሚቔ ወሰኜ áŠŁáˆ­áŠ„á‹©áĄ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« á‰°áˆšá‰Łáˆ’á‰” ኼይና፱ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« áŠ•á‹ˆá‹°á‰Łá‰” ዓሰቄን ምጜዋዕን ኀርቔራ áŠ•áˆáˆáˆ•á‹łáˆ«á‹Š áŠŁáŒˆáˆáŒáˆŽá‰” ጄራይ ዝሜፍን ሔማዊ áŠ­ááˆŠá‰”áĄ ኄሞ ዔማ á‰„á‰ŁáŒ€áˆ« ቄር ኹፊላ ክቔግልገለሉ ኄዩ á‰°áˆá‰’á‹±áˆ‹áą ኣቄ 1995፡ ኱ህወደግ ሓዔሜ ሕገ መንግሔá‰Č áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ነá‹Čፉ፱ ሕገ-መንግሔá‰Č áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹«áĄ ንክዉንነቔ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ኣቄ ግምቔ ዘዚኄቱ ምዃኑ ቄምግንዛቄ መንግሔá‰Č ኀርቔራ á‰„áŠŁáŒ‹áŠĄâ€™á‹© ተቓውሞኡ áŠŁáˆ”áˆšá‹‘áą ኄá‰Č ሕገ- መንግሔá‰Č ቄጭቆና á‹áŒˆá‹áŠ„áŠ•áĄ áˆáˆ­áŒ«á‰łá‰” ዝሰርቕን፡ ቄዕቄለላ ሓደ ቄሄር ዝግዛኄ ሔርዓቔ á‹˜áˆ”ááŠ•áĄ ንሚቄሓ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ኹምዘዹገልግል ዘቄርህ áŠ„á‹ˆá‰łá‹áŠ• ሃናጜን ርኄይቶን ምኜርን መንግሔá‰Č ኀርቔራ ግን ዕሜሜ ተባሂሉ፱ መንግሔá‰Č áŠ€áˆ­á‰”áˆ«áĄ ሕቶ ቄሄራቔ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹«áŠ• ኣጠቓላሊ ናይ ደሞክራáˆČ ሕቶን ክምልሔ ዝኜኄል ደሞክራሔያዊ ሔርዓቔ ኚይተተኜለ ህዝቱ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ቄሰላም ክነቄር ኚምዘይክኄል á‰„áˆáŒáŠ•á‹›á‰„â€™á‹©áĄ ነá‰Č ሕገ-መንግሔá‰Č ነቒፉዎ፱ á‰„áŠŁáŠ•áŒ»áˆ­â€™á‹š ንሚቄሓ áˆ…á‹á‰„á‰łá‰” áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹«áŠ• ዞባናን ዘገልግል áŠŁáˆ˜áˆˆáŠ»áŠœá‰ł áŠ€áˆ­á‰”áˆ«áĄ መንግሔá‰Č áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ዔሕáˆȘ ውዕል áŠŁáˆáŒ€áˆ­áˆ” áˆáŠœá‰łáˆ™ ን20 á‹“áˆ˜á‰łá‰” á‰„á‰Łáˆ­áŠŸá‰” ኄቶም ጎይቶቔ ንመሬታዊ áˆáˆáŠĄáŠá‰”áĄ áˆáŠĄáˆ‹á‹áŠá‰”áĄ ናጜነቔን ሓዔነቔ ህዝቄን ኀርቔራ á‹áŒ»á‰ŁáŠ„ ሰራም ፖሊáˆČ፡ “ምቕያር መንግሔá‰Č” ሒዙ ኄዩ ክሰርሕ ጾኒሑ፱ áˆá‰„á‰”á‰łáŠ• ሃገራዊ ሓዔነቔ áŠ€áˆ­á‰”áˆ«áĄ ምዕናው ወተሃደራዊ ዓቕሚ áŠ€áˆ­á‰”áˆ«áĄ ምዕናው ቁጠባ áŠ€áˆ­á‰”áˆ«áĄ ምንጻል ኀርቔራ ካቄ ዞባዊ áŒ‰á‹łá‹«á‰”áĄ áˆá‰”á‰„á‰Łá‹• ááˆáˆ°á‰”áĄ ዘይሕጋዊ ሔግሚ-ዶቄ áˆ˜áŠ•áŠ„áˆ°á‹«á‰”áĄ áˆáˆ”á‹­áŒŁáŠ• ምሔሊ ኀርቔራ ቄገበን áˆ°á‰„áŠŁá‹Š መሰላቔን ካልኊቔን á‰°áŒ»á‰„áŠŠá‰łá‰” ዔማ áŠ•áŠŁáˆ”á‰łá‰” ክልተ ዕቑዔ ቀáŒșሎም፱ ኣቄ 2018 ኣቄ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ናይ ሔርዓቔ ለውጱ ምሔ መጾ፡ ቀዳማይ ሚኒሔተር ኣቄይ áŠŁáˆ•áˆ˜á‹” ንውዕል áŠŁáˆáŒ€áˆ­áˆ” á‰„áˆá‰•á‰Łáˆ ምሔ ኀርቔራ ዕርቀ- ሰላም ኹምዝደሊ ኣፍሊጡ፱ መንግሔá‰Č ኀርቔራ ነá‰Č ጻውዒቔ ሰላም ቄዘይውዓል ሕደር ተቐቱሉዎ፱ ባህጊ ህዝቄን መንግሔቔን ኀርቔራን áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹«áŠ• ዘንጾባርቐ ዔሙቕ ዓወቔ ዔማ áŠá‹­áˆ©áą ቄ9 ሓምለ 2018 መንግሔá‰Č ኀርቔራን áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹«áŠ• ታáˆȘኻዊ ሔምምዕ ሰላምን ምሕዝነቔን ኣቄ áŠŁáˆ”áˆ˜áˆ« ፈáˆȘሞም፱ ኄዚ ሓዔሜ ኔነተ-ሰላምን ምቔሕግጋዝን ካቄ áˆšá‰„áˆ“á‰łá‰” ክልá‰Čኩም áŠŁáˆ…á‹›á‰„ ሓሊፉ መላኄ ቀርኒ ኣፍáˆȘቃ ናቄ ጎደና ምዕባለን ቄልጜግናን ዝወሔዔ ክኾውን ተሔፋ áˆáŒąáˆ©áą ሃገራቔ áˆ±á‹łáŠ•áĄ áˆ¶áˆ›áˆáŠ•áĄ ደብቄ- áˆ±á‹łáŠ•áŠ• ኄውን ነá‰Č ሃዋህው áŠ•áˆá‹”áˆá‹łáˆ ተበጊሰን፱ ኄንተኟነ ቄምሔምሔ ምሕላው ሔቔራተጂያዊ áˆšá‰„áˆ“á‰łá‰” ሃገራቔ ምዕራቄ ቄኜዔምናን ጊላነቔን ኣቄ ልዕሊ áŠŁáˆ…á‹›á‰„ ቀርኒ ኣፍáˆȘቃ áŒžá‰•áŒ„á‰łá‰” áŠ­áˆáŒ„áˆ«áĄ ነዚ ዞባ ናቄ ዝኾፍአ ግጭቔን ዕልቕልቕን ክመርሕኩ ዓቕመን ኣወሃሂደን ሰáˆȘሐን፡ ኄá‰Č ጀሚሩ ዝነበሹ ለውጱ ተዓንቂፉ፱ ፈደራላዊ መንግሔá‰Č áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ኣቄ ክልል ቔግራይ ልዕልና ሕገ-መንግሔá‰Č áŠ•áˆáŠœá‰Łáˆ­ ኣቄ ዝወሰዶ ወተሃደራዊ áˆ”áˆ­áˆ’á‰”áĄ ተራ ሰራዊቔ ኀርቔራ ኣቄ ምውሓሔ áˆáŠĄáˆ‹á‹áŠá‰” áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ጉሉሕ’ዩ áŠá‹­áˆ©áą ህዝቱ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ልዕሊ ዝኟነ ኄዋን መንግሔá‰Č ኀርቔራ ደላይ ሰላምን áˆ­áŒáŠŁá‰”áŠ• ሓዔነቔን áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ምዃኑ ዘሹጋገጾሉ ኄዩ áŠá‹­áˆ©áą ኄዚ መዔሚኜ’ዚ ዘይንቕነቕ መርገáŒș ኀርቔራ ኣቄ ሓዔነቔን ምርግጋኄን áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ጎሊሑ ክገሃዔ ዝገበሹ áŠ„á‹©áą መáˆȘሕነቔ ቄልጜግና ኣቄá‰Č ሰዓቔ’á‰Č ምሔ ኀርቔራ áŒœá‰Ąá‰• ዝምዔና áŠ„áŠ•á‰°á‹˜á‹­áŠ•áˆáŒ„áˆ­áĄ áˆ˜áŒ»áŠą áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ክንዼ áˆá‰„á‰”á‰łá‰”áŠ• ካልኄ áŠŁáˆ›áˆ«áŒș ኣይነበሼን፡ ኀርቔራ ንምዔሓን áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ዋጋ ዝኞፈለቔ ሃገር áŠ„á‹«áĄ ኄዚ ውዕለቔ’ዚ ቄቐሊሉ ዝርሳዕ ኣይኼነን ክቄሉ ተሰሚዖም፱ ኣቄ ሚያዝያ 2023 ፊልዔ ማርሻል ቄርሃኑ ጁላ “ቄሕቖና ምሔ ተወቓዕና ህዝቄን ሰራዊቔን ኀርቔራ ዝገበሩልና ውዕለቔ ቄዝኟነ መለክዒ ክኜፈል ዘይኹኣልን ዘይርሳዕ ታáˆȘኜን ሔለዝኟነ ወቔሩ ኣቄ ልቄና ኣለáŠčም፱” ክቄል ተሰሚዑ፱ ሎሚ ሔርዓቔ ቄልጜግና ነዚ ሚáˆČዑ ኣቄ á‹Čቕ ዝበለ ሓá‹Čá‹” ናይ ክሕደቔ ተጞሚዱ á‹­áˆ­áŠšá‰„áą ታáˆȘኜ ግን ኹም ዔላይካ á‰”á‹ˆáŒƒá‰„áˆź ኣይኼነን፱ áˆáŠ“áˆá‰Łá‰” ኣቄዚ ጉዳይ’ዚ ንኄግሚመገዔና ክንጠቕሶ á‹˜á‹”áˆá‹šáŠ“áĄ ሔርዓቔ ቄልጜግና ኣቄ 2022 ሰራዊቔ ኀርቔራ áˆáŠĄáˆ‹á‹áŠá‰” áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ኣቄ ምዔሓን ተጞሚዱ ኹሎ፡ ኣቄ áŒ…á‰Ąá‰”áŠ• áˆČሞልሔን ምሔ ወኹልá‰Č ህወሓቔ ኣቄ ዝገበሼ á‹áˆ­áˆ­á‰„áĄ ‘ናይ ክልተና ጾገም áˆ”á‹”áˆ«á‰€á‰łá‹Šâ€™á‹©áŁ ቄሚቔኩምን ቄሚቔናን ናቄ ኀርቔራ ነቕንዕ ኄሞ ንኀርቔራ ንውቅዓያ” ምባሉ ምዝጉቄ áˆ°áŠá‹”â€™á‹©áą ኹምዚ ዓይነቔ áŠ­ááŠŁá‰” ዝኣልም ሔርዓቔ ቄልጜግና ሎሚ ተገምጱሉ ኀርቔራ áŠ•áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ንምዔኻም ዓጱቓ ቔሰርሕ ኣላ ኱ሉ ክውንጅል ምሔማዕ መርመም áŠ„á‹©áą ኄንተኟነ ኄá‰Č ኣቄ ክልላቔ áŠŁáˆáˆ“áˆ«áĄ á‰”áŒáˆ«á‹­áĄ ኩሼሞ፡ áˆ¶áˆ›áˆáĄ ደብቄ ህዝቊቜ ካልኊቔን ተኾáˆČቱ ዘሎ áŒžáŒ„á‰łá‹Š ዘይምርግጋኄ ባዕሉ ሔርዓቔ ቄልጜግና ዝወልዖ áŠ„á‹©áą ምሔ áˆáŠœá‰łáˆ ውዕል ፕáˆȘቶርያ ቄልጜግና ንኀርቔራ ኹም ሓንካáˆȘቔ á‰”áŒá‰Łáˆš ሔምምዕ ገይሩ ይውንጅላ áŠ„á‹©áą ሔምምዕ ሰላም ፕáˆȘቶርያ á‹áˆœáŒŁá‹Š ጉዳይ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« áŠ„á‹©áą ኀርቔራ áŠ•á‰”áŒá‰ŁáˆȘኡ ዝምልኚቔ ዝኟነ ግዮታ á‹šá‰„áˆ‹áŠ•áą ኣቄ áŠŁáˆáˆ“áˆ« ዘሎ ግጭቔ ቀሔቃáˆČኡ መን’ዩ፧ ሔርዓቔ ቄልጜግና ጉዳይ ወያነ ገና ኹይዓሹፈ፡ áŠ•áˆ“á‹­áˆá‰łá‰” áŠŁáˆáˆ“áˆ« ዕጄቂ ኚውርዱ ቔኄዛዝ ኣመሓላሊፉ፱ ‘ዔሕነቔናን ዔሕነቔ ህዝቄናን ኹይተዋሕሰ፡ ቄሚቔና ነሹክበሉ ኣቄነቔ ዹለን’ ቄዝቄል á‹”áˆ›áĄ ምሔ ሰራዊቔ ፈደራል ግጭቔ á‰°áˆáŒąáˆ©áą á‰Łá‹•áˆáŠ» á‹˜áˆłá‹ˆáˆ­áŠ«á‹ź ህውኚቔን ዕግርግርን áˆáŒ„ááŠĄ ምሔ áŠŁáŒˆáˆ˜áŠ«áĄ ንኀርቔራ ‘ተሚካቄ ይዓዔዟ’ ክቔገቄራ ምፍታን ቄዝኟነ ሔነመጎቔ á‰°á‰á‰ŁáˆáŠá‰” á‹šá‰„áˆ‰áŠ•áą ቄሄራዊ ምቔፍናን ኣቄ ምንዋሕ ዕምáˆȘ áˆ”áˆáŒŁáŠ• ሔርዓቔ ቄልጜግና ወሳኒ ኄዩ ካቄ ዝቄል ግጉይ ፖሊáˆČ፡ ካቄ መዓልá‰Č ንመዓልá‰Č ሓደጋኡ ክዓቄይን ናቱ áˆłá‹•á‰€áŠ• ክቄኄሔን ይርአ ኣሎ፱ ኄዚ áŒžáŒ„á‰łá‹Š ዘይርጉኄነቔ ምሔ ህሉው ቁጠባዊ ነውáŒș áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ተደማሚሩ ሎሚ ህዝቱ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« ቄሰላም ዕለታዊ áŠ“á‰„áˆ­áŠĄ ዝመርሓሉ ሃዋሁ áˆ”áŠąáŠ‘ ኣሎ፱ á‰„áŠŁáŠ•áŒ»áˆ­ ኄá‰Č ኣቄ áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« á‰°áˆáŒąáˆ© ዘሎ áŠ©áŠá‰łá‰”áĄ መንግሔá‰Č ኀርቔራ ኣቄ ምርግጋጜ ሰላምን áˆ­áŒáŠŁá‰”áŠ• ንጡፍ ዝኟነ áŠŁá‰ áˆ­áŠ­á‰¶áŠĄ ካቄ ምግባር ካልኄ ሕርያ á‹šá‰„áˆ‰áŠ•áą
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This says a lot about which country has been committed to weaken and fragment its neighbour since the 1940.
On June 13, 1946, then British Foreign Secretary, Ernest Bevin, met his Ethiopian counterpart, Aklilu Habtewold, and Bevin suggested that Ethiopia and Britain should take a common stand to thwart the possibility of Italy’s return to the region in any capacity. He then presented the British plan for a Greater Somalia and the partition of Eritrea as the ultimate solution for the threat posed by Italy. Aklilu was quick to point out that any talk of excising the Ogaden from Ethiopia was offensive to his country. Instead, he proposed that Eritrea and the ancient port of Zeila in the north-western Adal region of Somalia be ceded to Ethiopia. Ethiopia would then be willing to agree to a British takeover of pastureland adjacent to British Somaliland for the Greater Somalia project. The meeting ended inconclusively with Bevin pointing out that the issue would finally be settled by the United Nations. On May 9, 1949 Bevin and his Italian counterpart, Count Carlo Sforza presented a plan to the UNGA that included the partition of Eritrea. The plan was rejected by the UNGA. Ethiopia, which advocated that Eritrea was "Ethiopia's lost child" supported the partition of Eritrea.
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Did you know that Ethiopia maintained a consular presence in Asmara while Eritrea was under Italian colonial rule ? Ethiopian Consulate in Asmara was established around 1914–1915 and continued until the Italo-Ethiopian War of 1935–36. Nasibu Zeamanuel (aka Nasibu Emmanual, Nasibu Zamanuael, or NasibĂč Zemanuel; c. 1893–1936) was appointed Ethiopian consul in Asmara in 1918. While there, he learned Italian. His brother Wasane had previously held the same post. Lij Seifu Mikael and Lij Tedla also served as Consul General of Ethiopia to Eritrea. Ethiopia required Eritrean travelers to visa from Ethiopian consul in Asmara. No need to go into the implications, under international law, of the existence of a consul general of Ethiopia in Eritrea during the Italian colonial period.
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History Repeats Itself: Ethiopia’s 2026 Expulsion of Eritrean Diplomats and the Vienna Convention Violations of 1999. During the Eritrea-Ethiopia War from 1998-2000, (the war broke out after Ethiopia killed Eritrean soldiers), Ethiopia, violated the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (VCDR) with unlawful expulsion, mistreatment, and harassment of diplomats accredited to Ethiopia, African Union and UNECA. -Ethiopia ordered most diplomatic staff out within 48 hours in May 1998 and declared Ambassador Ghirma Asmerom persona non grata with about 25 hours to leave in February 1999; searched and confiscated at the airport; reduced the mission to a skeleton staff (effectively two diplomats) and expelled most local service staff, crippling operations. -Ethiopia's also seized the Embassy Residence (the head of mission’s residence, part of inviolable premises under VCDR Article 22) shortly after the Ambassador’s departure in February 1999: used armed entry, ransacked, removed vehicles and property, and refused to return it; detained and abused local staff (guard, his son, and the Chargé’s driver). -Ethiopia Interfered with embassy operations: with heavy surveillance, harassment, and arrests of visitors and staff; made intermittent phone cut-offs, tapped telephones, and interfered with mails. On December 19, 2005, the Eritrea-Ethiopia Claims Commission ruled; "Ethiopia is liable for violating VCDR Articles 29 and 36 in the May 1998 airport departures: security agents searched departing diplomats and their luggage, pulled Ambassador Ghirma aside, searched his hand luggage, confiscated papers from his briefcase, attempted to search his person, and interfered with checked luggage, despite continuing diplomatic immunity until departure. Ethiopia is liable for violating VCDR Article 22 by entering, ransacking, searching, and seizing the Embassy Residence, official vehicles, and other property without Eritrea’s consent after the Ambassador’s February 1999 departure. Ethiopia’s admission that it “sealed off” the premises, unsupported by produced intelligence, did not justify unilateral possession while relations continued and the head of mission demanded access. Ethiopia could have terminated relations and then protected the premises under Article 45, but could not seize them while the mission remained." The Commission awarded Eritrea monetary compensation for violation of Eritrea’s diplomatic premises and property and, as appropriate satisfaction, reiterates its liability findings and declares that Ethiopia violated the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations by (1) attempting to search the Ambassador’s person, searching his hand luggage, confiscating papers from his briefcase and interfering with his checked luggage, and also by searching other departing diplomats and their luggage, in the course of their departure from the Addis Ababa airport in May 1998, without regard to their diplomatic immunities, and (2) entering, ransacking, searching and seizing the Eritrean Embassy Residence, as well as official vehicles and other property, without Eritrea’s consent. -The Commission, in its ruling, stated that; "Ethiopia has appropriately conceded, with its expression of regret at the hearing, that Eritrea is entitled to satisfaction in the form of a declaration of the serious wrongfulness of Ethiopia’s actions in entering, ransacking, searching and seizing Eritrea’s Embassy Residence and seizing both diplomatic property and the Ambassador’s personal property." Pic:- The late Ambassador Ghirma Asmerom
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Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· retweeted
áˆáŠĄáˆ‹á‹áŠá‰”áŠ• ግዝኣታዊ ሓዔነቔን ኀርቔራ ቄመንጜር áˆ°áŠá‹łá‰” áŠąá‰”á‹źáŒ”á‹« eriswiss.com/%e1%89%b5%e1%8c

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Biniam Berhe đŸ‡ȘđŸ‡· retweeted
ERITREA’S COVETED GEOPOLITICAL LOCATION AND IRREPLACEABLE STRATEGIC ROLE IN THE RED SEA AND THE HORN OF AFRICA Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the State of Eritrea Research and Documentation Division 29 October 2026 Eritrea’s geopolitical significance and strategic role is deeply rooted in its geography, history, and the resilience of its people and statehood. From the earliest human migrations and the development of ancient civilizations to the emergence of the modern international system, the territory of present-day Eritrea has occupied an important position at the crossroads of Africa, the Middle East, and the wider world. Its strategic importance, already considerable in antiquity (part of this history is covered in the book ‘Periplus of the Erythraean Sea’), has assumed even greater significance in the modern era, particularly following the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869. Read more: redseabeacon.com/eritreas-co
 #RespectEritreasSovereignty #Enough2PPsWarmongering #UAEStopWarFinancing #UAEBloodInYourHands #AfricanUnion @hawelti @shabait @EmbassyEritrea @Eritrea_UN @AmbStesfamariam @hadnetkeleta @SirakBahlbi @EliasAmare @Tedllam @GhideonMusa @Ternafi @DahlaKib @FarahMaalimM @Landofcandoppl @ETMissionUN @PMEthiopia @MFAEthiopia @MofaSudan @MfaEGYPT @_AfricanUnion @StateDept @AJEnglish @BBCWorld @AFP @TheEconomist @PressTV @Telegraph @nytimes @UN @Sec_Council @TheReporterET @gulf_news
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"Eritrea’s strategic location and its resilience in overcoming orchestrated conflicts & external pressures, & its success in nurturing a self-reliant and resilient nation ensures that it will remain an irreplaceable stakeholder in the future of the Red Sea & the Horn of Africa."
#Eritrea’s Coveted Geopolitical Location and Irreplaceable Strategic Role in the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa Research and Documentation Division Ministry of Foreign Affairs 29 October 2026 *"...Eritrea’s geopolitical significance and strategic role is deeply rooted in its geography, history, and the resilience of its people and statehood. From the earliest human migrations and the development of ancient civilizations to the emergence of the modern international system, the territory of present-day Eritrea has occupied an important position at the crossroads of Africa, the Middle East, and the wider world. Its strategic importance, already considerable in antiquity (part of this history is covered in the book ‘Periplus of the Erythraean Sea’), has assumed even greater significance in the modern era...". *"...For countries such as Eritrea, the central challenge is to safeguard sovereignty and national security while navigating an increasingly contested geopolitical environment. The ability to withstand external pressure and maintain an independent foreign policy is consequently a significant dimension of the country’s regional position". *"...Against this background, Eritrea’s self-reliant stance; independent foreign policy; resistance to alien/colonial occupation, sanctions and external pressures are important elements in understanding its contemporary geopolitical posture. The country’s political trajectory has been shaped by a determination to defend its sovereignty and preserve its independence under difficult regional and international circumstances". *"...Eritrea’s contribution to regional stability must therefore be assessed in terms of both its strategic position and its conduct. Its constructive engagement with neighboring countries, solidarity with countries and peoples facing complex nation building challenges, support for peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and opposition to destabilizing external interference all contribute to a more secure regional environment". shabait.com/2026/10/29/eritr

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Tegadalay Christian Sabatier, commonly known by his nom de guerre Hilal, was a French journalist, photographer, and activist filmmaker. He became a legendary figure in the history of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) as a fighter in the struggle for Eritrean independence. Hilal played a pivotal role in establishing and heading the EPLF’s Photojournalism Department for several years. Source: Embassy Media Facebook
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"President Isaias Afwerki stressed that respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity is a fundamental pillar of international law and the global order."
Sputnik Africa interview with President Isaias In an interview with Sputnik Africa, President Isaias Afwerki stressed that respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity is a fundamental pillar of international law and the global order. In the interview, which focused on relations between Eritrea and Russia, regional and global developments, Russia’s relations with African countries, and global challenges hindering strategic partnership, President Isaias said that partnership cannot be nurtured unless independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity are respected. President Isaias said that enhancing strategic partnership requires, first and foremost, addressing global obstacles, particularly those related to the global financial system. Otherwise, discussions on trade, investment and economic cooperation would be meaningless. President Isaias also stressed that conflicts, tensions, political pressure, sanctions and policy limitations are obstacles to strategic partnership and must be addressed beforehand. Meanwhile, the Third Russia-Africa Summit, which President Isaias Afwerki attended, concluded. At the Summit, held at the Kremlin Palace under the theme “For Peace, Security and Development,” discussions focused on Russia-Africa cooperation in the areas of economy, investment, trade, energy, food security, agriculture and security. The two-day Summit was attended by Heads of State and Government from over 50 countries. #Eritrea
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