Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž (@ctgchatter) header
Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž (@ctgchatter) profile picture

freedom fighter's child, banker-accountant turned 4thGen Parliamentarian #FinanceNPlanning @albd1971 #FormerFinSM

Bangladesh
Joined May 2009
Photo by Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž (@ctgchatter)Photo by Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž (@ctgchatter)Photo by Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž (@ctgchatter)Photo by Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž (@ctgchatter)Photo by Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž (@ctgchatter)Photo by Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž (@ctgchatter)Photo by Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž (@ctgchatter)Photo by Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž (@ctgchatter)Photo by Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž (@ctgchatter)Photo by Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž (@ctgchatter)
You can only understand the world to the extent that you understand yourself. No day is wasted if you're grateful for your blessings. – at Chittagong, Bangladesh
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Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž retweeted
November 3: Jail Killing Day – The Assassination of Four National Leaders and a Conspiracy Against Bangladesh November 3, 1975, remains one of the darkest and most painful dates in the history of independent Bangladesh. Known as Jail Killing Day, it marks the brutal assassination of four towering leaders of the Liberation War inside Dhaka Central Jail—a crime that sought to eliminate the country's founding leadership and derail the democratic and secular aspirations of the newly independent nation. In the early hours of November 3, just months after the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on August 15, four of his closest political associates and architects of Bangladesh's independence were murdered in cold blood while being held in prison. The victims were: Syed Nazrul Islam, the first Acting President of Bangladesh. Tajuddin Ahmad, the first Prime Minister of the wartime provisional government. Captain M. Mansur Ali, a senior leader of the wartime government. A. H. M. Qamaruzzaman, a prominent national leader and member of the wartime leadership. These four leaders had played indispensable roles in organising and directing the Liberation War of 1971. They stood beside Bangabandhu during the struggle for independence and helped lead the nation through its most defining historical moment. Their assassination inside a supposedly secure prison was an extraordinary act of political brutality. A Calculated Assault on the Legacy of Liberation The Jail Killings cannot be viewed in isolation from the assassination of Bangabandhu on August 15, 1975. Following the overthrow and murder of the Father of the Nation, his closest political associates were arrested and imprisoned. Less than three months later, they too were eliminated. Amid a turbulent period of military coups and counter-coups, armed personnel entered Dhaka Central Jail and carried out the massacre. According to the historical narrative presented in the source, the killings were part of a broader conspiracy by forces opposed to Bangladesh's independence and the political ideals of the Liberation War. The brutality extended beyond gunfire. The wounded bodies of the four leaders were reportedly stabbed with bayonets, reflecting the extraordinary cruelty of the perpetrators. The massacre sent shockwaves across Bangladesh and beyond. The assassinations of Bangabandhu and the four national leaders represented successive blows against the political leadership that had guided Bangladesh to independence. Their elimination weakened the country's founding political institutions and opened a prolonged chapter of instability, military intervention and political confrontation. The broader objective, as described by the source, was to reverse the achievements of the Liberation War, obstruct democratic reconstruction and reshape Bangladesh along political and ideological lines that contradicted the spirit of its independence. The phrase "mini-Pakistan" came to symbolise this feared reversal of the country's founding ideals. In the years that followed, attempts were also made to diminish Bangabandhu's historical legacy and remove his presence from the nation's political and public life. The role of General Ziaur Rahman in the events surrounding the assassinations has remained a subject of political and historical controversy, with allegations of direct and indirect involvement cited in statements attributed to convicted killers. Twenty-One Years Without Justice A murder case was initially filed at Lalbagh Police Station following the Jail Killings. However, after the assassination of Bangabandhu and his family, the investigation and judicial proceedings remained effectively stalled for 21 years. The process was revived after the Awami League returned to power in 1996. Following more than eight years of legal proceedings, the Dhaka Metropolitan Sessions Judge's Court delivered its verdict on October 20, 2004. Of the 20 accused, 15 former military personnel were convicted and five were acquitted. Three fugitives received death sentences, while 12 others were sentenced to life imprisonment. Those sentenced to death were: Risaldar Moslem Uddin, alias Hiron Khan. Dafadar Marfat Ali Shah. LD Dafadar Md. Abul Hashem Mridha. Among those sentenced to life imprisonment were former military officers Syed Farooq Rahman, Shahriar Rashid, Bazlul Huda, Khondaker Abdur Rashid, Shariful Haque Dalim, Noor Chowdhury, A. K. M. Mohiuddin Ahmed, A. M. Rashed Chowdhury, Ahmed Shariful Hossain, Abdul Majed, Kismat Hossain and Nazmul Hossain Ansar. Five others, including former BNP leader K. M. Obaidur Rahman, Jatiya Party leader Shah Moazzem Hossain, former minister Taheruddin Thakur, Nurul Islam Manzur and Major (Retd.) Khairuzzaman, were acquitted. The Controversial High Court Verdict On August 28, 2008, the High Court modified the lower court's verdict. It upheld the death sentence of Risaldar Moslem Uddin but acquitted two other death-row convicts, Marfat Ali Shah and Abul Hashem Mridha. It also acquitted four individuals who had previously received life sentences. The decision triggered strong criticism from the families of the slain leaders and various quarters. They described the verdict as politically motivated and a miscarriage of justice, arguing that the judicial process had failed to establish accountability for the broader conspiracy behind the massacre. They demanded a comprehensive reinvestigation and retrial, insisting that punishing individual perpetrators alone was insufficient without addressing the forces and planning behind the killings. Four of the individuals acquitted in the Jail Killing case- Farooq Rahman, Shahriar Rashid, Bazlul Huda and A. K. M. Mohiuddin Ahmed -were separately convicted in the Bangabandhu assassination case. Their death sentences were carried out on January 27, 2010. Final Appellate Verdict: The 2004 Judgment Restored Following the Awami League-led Grand Alliance's victory in the December 2008 general election, the government pursued further legal action in the Jail Killing case. On January 11, 2011, the Appellate Division accepted the government's appeal and directed the two individuals acquitted by the High Court, Marfat Ali Shah and Abul Hashem Mridha, to surrender. Law enforcement agencies were instructed to arrest them if they failed to comply. On April 30, 2013, the Appellate Division delivered its final brief judgment, overturning the relevant portions of the 2008 High Court verdict and restoring the 2004 trial court judgment. As a result, the death sentences against all three fugitives - Risaldar Moslem Uddin, Marfat Ali Shah and Abul Hashem Mridha - were restored, while the life sentences imposed on the other 12 convicted individuals remained in force. A Crime That Must Never Be Forgotten The assassination of the four national leaders was not merely an attack on four individuals. It was an assault on Bangladesh's founding political leadership, the legacy of the Liberation War and the aspirations of a nation born through extraordinary sacrifice. Bangladesh's independence was secured through the blood of millions, the leadership of Bangabandhu and the determination of those who organised and led the Liberation War. The murder of the four national leaders inside prison was an attempt to dismantle that legacy through violence and political conspiracy. Nearly five decades later, November 3 remains a solemn reminder of the price paid for independence and the devastating consequences of political assassination, military intervention and the destruction of democratic institutions. Jail Killing Day is not simply a date of mourning. It is a reminder that the history of Bangladesh's independence, the sacrifices of its founding leaders and the struggle for justice must never be erased from national memory. Remembering the Four National Leaders. Remembering the spirit of the Liberation War. Joy Bangla. Joy Bangabandhu. #JailKillingDay #November3 #FourNationalLeaders #Bangladesh #LiberationWar
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Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž retweeted
#WATCH | Dhaka, Bangladesh: Tensions escalate in Bangladesh on the fourth day of garment workers' protests demanding higher wages. Garment factories, particularly in Dhaka's Mirpur area, had partially resumed operations in the morning. However, workers have once again walked out of factories and taken to the streets, prompting the deployment of police personnel to control the situation.
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Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž retweeted
âš ī¸HE WAS JUST A WORKER. NOT A CRIMINAL. Workers are not criminals for demanding their basic rights. He asked for fair wages. He demanded safe working conditions. He stood up for workers' rights. He raised his voice peacefully. And what did he get in return? BRUTALITY INSTEAD OF JUSTICE. Is demanding dignity, safety, and a fair livelihood now a crime❓ 🚨Is Police brutality really the government's answer to these legitimate demands? #BangladeshCrisis #LabourMovement #Police #Bangladesh @avarakai @ajaykraina @paulocasaca1 @theAshleyMolly @sanjoychakra @FedericoHeuer @nidhisj2001 @profmhmillat @DrAbdulMomenBD @ctgchatter @SURESHKUMA60267 @JaipurDialogues @MeghUpdates @KreatelyMedia @NewsAlgebraIND @News18India @IngloriousBhere @RajputRanjanaa @CJBdingo25 @arnabnsg @kamalKantmishra @bajapa @ciprianreyes
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Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž retweeted
“My son is so thin that you can count every rib in his chest. What else can I do?” Tens of thousands of garment workers in Bangladesh hit the streets to demand better minimum wages aje.news/0kxwj6
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Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž retweeted
Int’l Day to End Impunity for Crimes Against #Journalists: A Climate of Fear Remains a Constant for Journalists in #Bangladesh. Two journalists have been shot dead in Bangladesh over the past 12 months. As the world observes the Int’l Day to End Impunity for Crimes Against Journalists today, statistics paint a deeply troubling picture of press freedom environment in Bangladesh. Journalists continue to face violence, intimidation, harassment and physical assaults. Data from two human rights organisations reveals that attacks against journalists have increased dramatically, with little indication of improvement. Attacks on Journalists Have Increased Tenfold According to the Human Rights Support Society (#HRSS), Bangladesh recorded just 32 attacks on journalists in 2017. That number has risen sharply over the years, reaching 318 in 2025, almost ten times the 2017 figure. The situation remains deeply concerning in 2026. In the first nine months of this year, HRSS documented 288 attacks against journalists, with 518 subjected to assault or harassment, and 297 injured. Change of Government, But No Improvement There was some optimism that the situation might improve following the departure of the Interim Government. Unfortunately, that proved short-lived. Between July and Sep 2026, HRSS recorded 88 attacks on journalists. This is slightly higher than the 84 attacks recorded during the corresponding period in 2025 and exactly double the 44 incidents in 2023. Hundreds of Journalists Harassed Every Year Data from Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), which records individual victims rather than incidents, reinforces this disturbing pattern. According to ASK: - 381 journalists faced harassment in 2025. - 315 journalists faced harassment between January and September 2026. With three months of 2026 still remaining in the reporting period, the figures already indicate another deeply troubling year for journalists’ safety. Harassment by LEAs Rising Alarmingly One of the most disturbing developments is the sharp increase in harassment of journalists by law enforcement personnel. According to ASK, such incidents have risen consistently: 2024: 15 2025: 23 Jan–Sep 2026: 42 The 42 cases documented in just nine months of 2026 already exceed the annual total recorded in any year since at least 2017. Intimidation by Political Activists Continues Harassment by political activists continued its dangerous trend. In 2025 and 2026, almost all reported incidents of politically motivated harassment were attributed to #BNP and #JamaatEIslami activists. Between Jan and Sep 2026 alone, BNP was involved in 27 cases, while Jamaat in 22 cases. Together, these two parties accounted for 49 reported cases during the first nine months of 2026. Including incidents surrounding the Feb election, the total no. of attacks is on course to reach 67 this year, potentially the highest annual figure since 2018. Physical Assaults More Than Doubled Another particularly worrying trend is the sharp rise in physical assaults. According to ASK, 54 journalists were physically assaulted in 2024, rising to 118 in 2025, and 88 in the first 9 months of 2026. Ending Impunity These are not merely statistics. Each incident represents an attack on an individual's safety, professional independence and ability to report freely. The statistics point to a disturbing reality: Bangladesh's journalists remain vulnerable to violence, intimidation and harassment, irrespective of changes in political leadership. The continued involvement of political activists and the alarming rise in harassment by law enforcement agencies highlight the failure to establish an environment in which journalists can perform their professional responsibilities without fear of retaliation. Violence against journalists must end. Those responsible must be held accountable, regardless of their political affiliations or official positions. Report: thedailystar.net/news/banglaâ€Ļ â€Ļ
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Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž retweeted
#Bangladesh: Arrests Over ‘Joy Bangla’ Slogan Raise Serious Concerns About Freedom of Political Expression. At least 84 people detained in 13 reported incidents between 18 February and 31 October 2026; two additional alleged detentions remain disputed. The arrest and detention of dozens of people in Bangladesh in connection with chanting the slogan “Joy Bangla” raise serious concerns about the protection of freedom of expression, political opinion and peaceful assembly under the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (#BNP) government. Previously, we shared research by “The Dacca” which showed that at least 30 people have been arrested in the last eight months for criticising the Prime Minister, his family members, and BNP ministers and MPs. Today, we present our own research into arrests during the same period simply for uttering the slogan “Joy Bangla”. A review of news reports covering the period from 18 Feb to 31 Oct 2026 identifies at least 13 incidents involving 84 people taken into police custody following allegations related to chanting “Joy Bangla”. Two additional alleged temporary detentions in a separate incident remain disputed, bringing the broader reported figure to 86 people across 14 incidents. These incidents occurred in a variety of settings, including Independence Day commemorations, funeral prayers, university premises, court compounds, police stations, political gatherings and public demonstrations. Particularly concerning is the misuse of the Anti-Terrorism Act in several cases involving political slogans. The available reports raise questions about the misuse of criminal law to penalise peaceful political expression rather than address genuine threats to public safety. (A list of the major incidents is provided separately in the next post). Freedom of Expression Cannot Be Selective Freedom of expression is not limited to popular, neutral or government-approved opinions. It protects political speech precisely because such expression may be controversial, unpopular or opposed by those exercising state power. Article 39 of the Constitution of Bangladesh guarantees freedom of thought and conscience and protects freedom of speech and expression, subject to constitutionally permitted restrictions. Bangladesh is also a party to the Int’l Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Article 19 protects freedom of opinion and expression, Article 21 safeguards peaceful assembly, and Article 9 prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention. Under both constitutional as well as int’l human rights law, restrictions on political expression must satisfy the requirements of legality, legitimate purpose, necessity and proportionality. Merely expressing support for a political party, historical figure or ideological position cannot, by itself, justify arrest or criminal prosecution. Even where a political organisation has been prohibited or its activities restricted, individuals retain their fundamental rights. The mere utterance of a slogan associated with such an organisation does not automatically constitute participation in unlawful activities or establish criminal liability. Calls for Immediate Action In light of the documented incidents, BDWatch urges the Bangladesh Government to end arrests and prosecutions based solely on peaceful political expression, including the chanting of political slogans, irrespective of the political organisation or ideology associated with them. BDWatch further urges a review all cases involving arrests linked to the “Joy Bangla” slogan, discontinue proceedings unsupported by evidence of a recognisable criminal offence, and release individuals detained solely for exercising protected rights. (Research period: 18 February–31 October 2026. Figures are drawn from identified news reports and include people taken into police custody, not exclusively those formally arrested) BDWatch | 01 November 2026 â€Ļ @Irenekhan @hrw @amnestysasia @ESandersFCDO
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Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž retweeted
International Day of Political Prisoners 2026: Hundreds Detained in #Bangladesh Without Charge for More Than Two Years. On the occasion of the International Day of Political Prisoners 2026, #BDWatch calls on the int’l community, #humanrights organisations, and relevant UN mechanisms to draw urgent attention to the plight of political prisoners in Bangladesh and the continuing erosion of fundamental rights and due process protections. Since the political upheaval of August 2024, thousands of political leaders, activists, and supporters affiliated with the #AwamiLeague have been arrested, initially under the Yunus-led Interim Govt and subsequently under the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (#BNP) govt led by PM #TariqueRahman. A substantial number remain behind bars, many having spent more than two years in detention without formal charges being brought against them 134 Former MPs, Ministers and Senior Officials Arrested Since Aug 2024, at least 134 former members of parliament, ministers, and advisers holding ministerial rank have been arrested in connection with their association with the Awami League. Of these, only 13 have reportedly been granted bail, while the overwhelming majority remain in prolonged pre-trial detention. Beyond Politicians: A Pattern of Targeting Dissent The arrests have extended well beyond politicians. Those detained include former civil servants, journalists, academics, judges, lawyers, and other professionals perceived to have affiliations with, or sympathies towards, the Awami League. Mass Criminal Cases and Questionable Prosecutions Many detainees have been implicated in criminal cases arising from the violence surrounding the Jul–Aug 2024 protests. Numerous cases involve extraordinarily large numbers of accused individuals, sometimes hundreds in a single complaint, raising serious questions about the credibility of the allegations and whether individual criminal responsibility has been properly established. Concerns have also been raised about the absence of credible evidence connecting particular defendants to specific offences, politically motivated allegations, and reported corruption and abuse within law enforcement agencies. Denial of Bail and Repeated Arrests A particularly troubling practice involves the repeated use of shown arrests, whereby individuals who secure bail in one criminal case are subsequently recorded as arrested in another case, preventing their release. This effectively perpetuates indefinite detention, even where courts have authorised an individual's release. Deaths in Custody and Allegations of Mistreatment Scores of political detainees have reportedly died in prison custody over the past two years, often in circumstances that warrant urgent and independent scrutiny. Families of deceased detainees have repeatedly alleged custodial mistreatment, torture, inadequate medical treatment, and delays or refusals in providing necessary healthcare. Anti-Terror Law Used Against Peaceful Political Activities The continued use of Bangladesh's amended Anti-Terrorism Act to restrict Awami League activities has created further concerns about the criminalisation of peaceful political expression and association. AL activists and supporters regularly face arrests and prosecutions for participating in demonstrations, chanting political slogans, or expressing support for their party on social media. Dissent Cannot Be Criminalised BDWatch calls upon the Bangladesh Govt to end all arbitrary and politically motivated detentions and ensure the release of individuals held solely for their political beliefs, affiliations, or peaceful activities. BDWatch further urges the UN, int’l human rights orgs. to strongly advocate to end all politically motivated detentions and for the release of individuals held solely for their political beliefs, affiliations, or peaceful political activities. ... BDWatch | 30 October 2026
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Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž retweeted
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āĻ“āĻĒāϰ āĻšāĻžāĻŽāϞāĻžāϰ āĻ…āĻ­āĻŋāϝ⧋āĻ— āφāύ⧇āύāĨ¤ ⧍āĨ¤ āĻĸāĻžāĻ•āĻžāϰ āĻŽāĻŋāϰāĻĒ⧁āϰ ā§§ā§Ē āύāĻŽā§āĻŦāϰ⧇āϰ āĻ•āϚ⧁āĻ•ā§āώ⧇āϤ āĻāϞāĻžāĻ•āĻžāϝāĻŧ āĻ—āĻžāĻ°ā§āĻŽā§‡āĻ¨ā§āϟāϏāĻ•āĻ°ā§āĻŽā§€āĻĻ⧇āϰ āϏāĻ™ā§āϗ⧇ āĻĒ⧁āϞāĻŋāĻļ āĻ“ āϏ⧇āύāĻžāĻŦāĻžāĻšāĻŋāύ⧀āϰ āϏāĻ‚āϘāĻ°ā§āώ⧇āϰ āϘāϟāύāĻž āϘāĻŸā§‡āϛ⧇āĨ¤ āĻ āϏāĻŽāϝāĻŧ āϏ⧇āύāĻžāĻŦāĻžāĻšāĻŋāύ⧀āϰ āĻāĻ•āϟāĻŋ āĻ—āĻžāĻĄāĻŧāĻŋ āĻ“ āĻĒ⧁āϞāĻŋāĻļ⧇āϰ āĻāĻ•āϟāĻŋ āϞ⧇āϗ⧁āύāĻžāϝāĻŧ āφāϗ⧁āύ āĻĻāĻŋāϝāĻŧ⧇āϛ⧇āύ āφāĻ¨ā§āĻĻā§‹āϞāύāϰāϤ āĻĒā§‹āĻļāĻžāĻ• āĻļā§āϰāĻŽāĻŋāĻ•āϰāĻžāĨ¤ āϏāĻ•āĻžāϞ ā§§ā§ĻāϟāĻžāϰ āĻĻāĻŋāϕ⧇ āϏāĻ‚āϘāĻ°ā§āώ āĻļ⧁āϰ⧁ āĻšāϝāĻŧāĨ¤ āφāĻ¨ā§āĻĻā§‹āϞāύ⧇ āĻ•āϚ⧁āĻ•ā§āώ⧇āϤ āĻāϞāĻžāĻ•āĻž āϰāĻŖāĻ•ā§āώ⧇āĻ¤ā§āϰ⧇ āĻĒāϰāĻŋāĻŖāϤ āĻšāϝāĻŧāĨ¤ āϜāĻžāύāĻž āϝāĻžāϝāĻŧ, āϚāĻžāϕ⧁āϰāĻŋāĻšā§āϝ⧁āϤāĻŋ āĻ“ āĻ¸ā§āĻĨāĻžāύ⧀āϝāĻŧ āĻāĻ•āϟāĻŋ āĻĒā§‹āĻļāĻžāĻ• āĻ•āĻžāϰāĻ–āĻžāύāĻž āĻŦāĻ¨ā§āϧ⧇āϰ āĻĒā§āϰāϤāĻŋāĻŦāĻžāĻĻ⧇ āϏāĻ•āĻžāϞ ā§ŽāϟāĻžāϰ āĻĻāĻŋāϕ⧇ āĻšāĻžāϜāĻžāϰ⧋ āĻ—āĻžāĻ°ā§āĻŽā§‡āĻ¨ā§āϟāϏāĻ•āĻ°ā§āĻŽā§€ āĻŽāĻŋāϰāĻĒ⧁āϰ ā§§ā§Ē āĻ“ āĻ•āϚ⧁āĻ•ā§āώ⧇āϤ āĻāϞāĻžāĻ•āĻžāϰ 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āĻĸāĻžāĻ•āĻž āĻŽā§‡āĻĄāĻŋāϕ⧇āϞ āĻ•āϞ⧇āϜ (āĻĸāĻžāĻŽā§‡āĻ•) āĻšāĻžāϏāĻĒāĻžāϤāĻžāϞ⧇ āϚāĻŋāĻ•āĻŋā§ŽāϏāĻžāϧ⧀āύāĨ¤ ā§ŠāĨ¤ āĻĄā§‡āĻ™ā§āϗ⧁āϤ⧇ āĻŽā§ƒāĻ¤ā§āϝ⧁āϰ āĻŽāĻŋāĻ›āĻŋāϞ āĻĨāĻžāĻŽāϛ⧇āχ āύāĻžāĨ¤ āφāϜ āϏāĻ•āĻžāϞ ā§ŽāϟāĻžāϰ āĻĒāĻ°ā§āϝāĻ¨ā§āϤ āφāϗ⧇āϰ ⧍ā§Ē āϘāĻŖā§āϟāĻžāϝāĻŧ āĻāĻĄāĻŋāϏ āĻŽāĻļāĻžāĻŦāĻžāĻšāĻŋāϤ āĻ āĻœā§āĻŦāϰ⧇ āφāϰāĻ“ āϏāĻžāϤāϜāύ⧇āϰ āĻŽā§ƒāĻ¤ā§āϝ⧁ āĻšāϝāĻŧ⧇āϛ⧇āĨ¤ āĻ āύāĻŋāϝāĻŧ⧇ āϚāϞāϤāĻŋ āĻŦāĻ›āϰ āĻĄā§‡āĻ™ā§āϗ⧁āϤ⧇ āĻŽā§ƒāϤ⧇āϰ āϏāĻ‚āĻ–ā§āϝāĻž āĻĻāĻžāρāĻĄāĻŧāĻžāϞ ⧍⧝⧭ āϜāύ⧇āĨ¤ āϤāĻžāĻĻ⧇āϰ āĻŽāĻ§ā§āϝ⧇ āĻ…āĻ•ā§āĻŸā§‹āĻŦāϰ āĻŽāĻžāϏ⧇āχ āĻŽāĻžāϰāĻž āϗ⧇āϛ⧇āύ ā§§ā§Šā§Ē āϜāύ, āϝāĻž āĻ āĻŦāĻ›āϰ āĻāĻ• āĻŽāĻžāϏ⧇ āϏāĻ°ā§āĻŦā§‹āĻšā§āϚāĨ¤ āĻ¸ā§āĻŦāĻžāĻ¸ā§āĻĨā§āϝ āĻ…āϧāĻŋāĻĻāĻĒā§āϤāϰ⧇āϰ āϏāĻ‚āĻŦāĻžāĻĻ āĻŦāĻŋāĻœā§āĻžāĻĒā§āϤāĻŋāϤ⧇ āϜāĻžāύāĻžāύ⧋ āĻšāϝāĻŧ, āĻĄā§‡āĻ™ā§āϗ⧁āϤ⧇ āĻ—āϤ āĻāĻ• āĻĻāĻŋāύ⧇ ā§§ āĻšāĻžāϜāĻžāϰ ⧍ā§Ēā§Š āύāϤ⧁āύ āϰ⧋āĻ—ā§€ āĻĻ⧇āĻļ⧇āϰ āĻŦāĻŋāĻ­āĻŋāĻ¨ā§āύ āĻšāĻžāϏāĻĒāĻžāϤāĻžāϞ⧇ āĻ­āĻ°ā§āϤāĻŋ āĻšāϝāĻŧ⧇āϛ⧇āύāĨ¤ āĻ āύāĻŋāϝāĻŧ⧇ āĻ āĻŦāĻ›āϰ āĻĄā§‡āĻ™ā§āϗ⧁ āφāĻ•ā§āϰāĻžāĻ¨ā§āϤ āĻšāϝāĻŧ⧇āϛ⧇āύ ā§Ŧā§§ āĻšāĻžāϜāĻžāϰ ā§Žā§§ā§­ āϜāύāĨ¤ āĻāϰ āĻĒā§āϰāĻžāϝāĻŧ āĻ…āĻ°ā§āϧ⧇āĻ• ā§Šā§Ļ āĻšāĻžāϜāĻžāϰ ā§Žā§­ā§¯ āϰ⧋āĻ—ā§€āχ āĻ­āĻ°ā§āϤāĻŋ āĻšāϝāĻŧ⧇āϛ⧇āύ āĻ…āĻ•ā§āĻŸā§‹āĻŦāϰ⧇āĨ¤ āϚāϞāϤāĻŋ āĻŦāĻ›āϰ āĻšāĻžāϏāĻĒāĻžāϤāĻžāϞ⧇ āĻ­āĻ°ā§āϤāĻŋ āϰ⧋āĻ—ā§€āϰ āĻŽāĻ§ā§āϝ⧇ ā§Ŧā§Š āĻĻāĻļāĻŽāĻŋāĻ• ⧍ āĻļāϤāĻžāĻ‚āĻļ āĻĒ⧁āϰ⧁āώ āĻāĻŦāĻ‚ ā§Šā§Ŧ āĻĻāĻļāĻŽāĻŋāĻ• ā§Ž āĻļāϤāĻžāĻ‚āĻļ āύāĻžāϰ⧀āĨ¤ āφāϰ āĻŽā§ƒāϤ ⧍⧝⧭ āϜāύ⧇āϰ āĻŽāĻ§ā§āϝ⧇ ā§Ēā§Ž āĻĻāĻļāĻŽāĻŋāĻ• ā§§ āĻļāϤāĻžāĻ‚āĻļ āĻĒ⧁āϰ⧁āώ āĻāĻŦāĻ‚ ā§Ģā§§ āĻĻāĻļāĻŽāĻŋāĻ• ⧝ āĻļāϤāĻžāĻ‚āĻļ āύāĻžāϰ⧀āĨ¤ āϏ⧁āĻ¤ā§āϰāσ āϏāĻŽāĻ•āĻžāϞ, ā§Šā§§ āĻ…āĻ•ā§āĻŸā§‹āĻŦāϰ ⧍ā§Ļ⧍ā§ĒāĨ¤ āĻĸāĻžāĻ•āĻž āĻŸā§āϰāĻŋāĻŦāĻŋāωāύ, ā§Šā§§ āĻ…āĻ•ā§āĻŸā§‹āĻŦāϰ ⧍ā§Ļ⧍ā§ĒāĨ¤ Š āωāχāϟāύ⧇āϏāĻŦāĻŋāĻĄāĻŋ
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Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž retweeted
āĻĢāĻŋāϰ⧇ āĻĻ⧇āĻ–āĻžāσ ā§¨ā§Ž āĻ…āĻ•ā§āĻŸā§‹āĻŦāϰ ⧍ā§Ļ⧍ā§ĒāĨ¤ đŸ”ŗ āφāĻ“āϝāĻŧāĻžāĻŽā§€ āϞ⧀āϗ⧇āϰ āĻ•āĻžāĻ°ā§āϝāĻ•ā§āϰāĻŽ āĻ¸ā§āĻĨāĻ—āĻŋāϤ āϰāĻžāĻ–āϤ⧇ āĻšāĻžāϏāύāĻžāϤ-āϏāĻžāϰāϜāĻŋāϏ⧇āϰ āϰāĻŋāϟāĨ¤ đŸ”ŗ āϚāĻŸā§āϟāĻ—ā§āϰāĻžāĻŽ āĻŽā§‡āĻĄāĻŋāϕ⧇āϞ āĻ•āϞ⧇āĻœā§‡āϰ ā§­ā§Ģ āĻļāĻŋāĻ•ā§āώāĻžāĻ°ā§āĻĨā§€āϕ⧇ āĻŦāĻšāĻŋāĻˇā§āĻ•āĻžāϰāĨ¤ đŸ”ŗ āĻļāĻŋāĻ•ā§āώāĻžāĻ°ā§āĻĨā§€āĻĻ⧇āϰ āφāĻ¨ā§āĻĻā§‹āϞāύ⧇āϰ āĻŽā§āϖ⧇ āϏāĻŋāϟāĻŋ āĻ•āϞ⧇āϜ āĻŦāĻ¨ā§āϧ āĻ˜ā§‹āώāύāĻžāĨ¤ ā§§āĨ¤ āϰāĻžāϜāύ⧈āϤāĻŋāĻ• āĻĻāϞ āĻšāĻŋāϏ⧇āĻŦ⧇ āφāĻ“āϝāĻŧāĻžāĻŽā§€ āϞ⧀āϗ⧇āϰ āĻ•āĻžāĻ°ā§āϝāĻ•ā§āϰāĻŽ āĻ¸ā§āĻĨāĻ—āĻŋāϤ āϰāĻžāĻ–āĻžāϰ āύāĻŋāĻ°ā§āĻĻ⧇āĻļāύāĻž āĻšā§‡āϝāĻŧ⧇ āĻšāĻžāχāϕ⧋āĻ°ā§āĻŸā§‡ āϰāĻŋāϟ āĻĻāĻžāϝāĻŧ⧇āϰ āĻ•āϰāĻž āĻšāϝāĻŧ⧇āϛ⧇āĨ¤ āĻŦ⧈āώāĻŽā§āϝāĻŦāĻŋāϰ⧋āϧ⧀ āĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰ āφāĻ¨ā§āĻĻā§‹āϞāύ⧇āϰ āϏāĻŽāĻ¨ā§āĻŦāϝāĻŧāĻ• āĻšāĻžāϏāύāĻžāϤ āφāĻŦāĻĻ⧁āĻ˛ā§āϞāĻžāĻš āĻ“ āϏāĻžāϰāϜāĻŋāϏ āφāϞāĻŽ āĻ āϰāĻŋāϟ āĻĻāĻžāϝāĻŧ⧇āϰ āĻ•āϰ⧇āύāĨ¤ āϜāĻžāύāĻž āϗ⧇āϛ⧇, āĻ āĻŦāĻŋāώāϝāĻŧ⧇ ⧍āϟāĻŋ āϰāĻŋāϟ āĻ•āϰāĻž āĻšāϝāĻŧ⧇āϛ⧇āĨ¤ āĻĒā§āϰāĻĨāĻŽ āϰāĻŋāϟāϟāĻŋ āĻ•āϰāĻž āĻšāϝāĻŧ⧇āϛ⧇, āφāĻ“āϝāĻŧāĻžāĻŽā§€ āϞ⧀āϗ⧇āϰ āĻŦāĻŋāĻ—āϤ ā§ŠāϟāĻŋ āύāĻŋāĻ°ā§āĻŦāĻžāϚāύāϕ⧇ āϕ⧇āύ āĻ…āĻŦ⧈āϧ āĻ˜ā§‹āώāĻŖāĻž āĻ•āϰāĻž āĻšāĻŦ⧇ āύāĻž āĻāĻŦāĻ‚ āĻ…āĻŦ⧈āϧāĻ­āĻžāĻŦ⧇ āĻĒā§āϰāĻžāĻĒā§āϤ āϏ⧁āĻŦāĻŋāϧāĻžāϗ⧁āϞ⧋ āϕ⧇āύ āĻĢāĻŋāϰāĻŋāϝāĻŧ⧇ āĻĻāĻŋāĻŦ⧇ āύāĻž āϏ⧇ āĻŦāĻŋāώāϝāĻŧ⧇āĨ¤ āĻĻā§āĻŦāĻŋāϤ⧀āϝāĻŧ āϰāĻŋāϟāϟāĻŋ āĻ•āϰāĻž āĻšāϝāĻŧ⧇āϛ⧇, āĻāχ āĻŽāĻžāĻŽāϞāĻžāϰ āϰāĻžāϝāĻŧ āύāĻž āĻšāĻ“āϝāĻŧāĻž āĻĒāĻ°ā§āϝāĻ¨ā§āϤ āϕ⧇āύ āφāĻ“āϝāĻŧāĻžāĻŽā§€ āϞ⧀āĻ—āϕ⧇ āϏāĻ•āϞ āϰāĻžāϜāύ⧈āϤāĻŋāĻ• āĻ•āĻžāĻ°ā§āϝāĻ•ā§āϰāĻŽ āĻĨ⧇āϕ⧇ āĻŦāĻŋāϰāϤ āϰāĻžāĻ–āĻž āĻšāĻŦ⧇ āύāĻž āϏ⧇ āĻŦāĻŋāώāϝāĻŧ⧇āĨ¤ āϰāĻŋāϟ āĻĻāĻžāϝāĻŧ⧇āϰ⧇āϰ āĻŦāĻŋāώāϝāĻŧāϟāĻŋ āύāĻŋāĻļā§āϚāĻŋāϤ āĻ•āϰ⧇āϛ⧇āύ āĻœā§āϝ⧇āĻˇā§āĻ  āφāχāύāĻœā§€āĻŦā§€ āĻ…ā§āϝāĻžāĻĄāĻ­ā§‹āϕ⧇āϟ āφāĻšāϏāĻžāύ⧁āϞ āĻ•āϰāĻŋāĻŽāĨ¤ āϤāĻŋāύāĻŋ āĻŦāϞ⧇āύ, “āĻĻāϞāϟāĻŋ āϰāĻžāϜāύ⧈āϤāĻŋāĻ• āĻ•āĻžāĻ°ā§āϝāĻ•ā§āϰāĻŽ āϝāĻžāϤ⧇ āĻĒāϰāĻŋāϚāĻžāϞāύāĻž āĻ•āϰāϤ⧇ āύāĻž āĻĒāĻžāϰ⧇āύ āϏ⧇āϜāĻ¨ā§āϝ āĻ āϰāĻŋāϟ āĻ•āϰāĻž āĻšāϝāĻŧ⧇āϛ⧇āĨ¤â€ ⧍āĨ¤ āϚāĻŸā§āϟāĻ—ā§āϰāĻžāĻŽ āĻŽā§‡āĻĄāĻŋāϕ⧇āϞ āĻ•āϞ⧇āĻœā§‡āϰ (āϚāĻŽā§‡āĻ•) ā§­ā§Ģ āĻļāĻŋāĻ•ā§āώāĻžāĻ°ā§āĻĨā§€āϕ⧇ āĻŦāĻšāĻŋāĻˇā§āĻ•āĻžāϰ āĻ•āϰāĻž āĻšāϝāĻŧ⧇āϛ⧇āĨ¤ āĻ āϤāĻžāϞāĻŋāĻ•āĻžāϝāĻŧ āφāϛ⧇āύ āĻāĻŽāĻŦāĻŋāĻŦāĻŋāĻāϏ āĻ“ āχāĻ¨ā§āϟāĻžāĻ°ā§āύ āĻļ⧇āώ āĻ•āϰāĻž āϚāĻŋāĻ•āĻŋā§ŽāϏāĻ•āĻ“āĨ¤ āĻāĻĻ⧇āϰ āĻĒā§āϰāĻžāϝāĻŧ āϏāĻŦāĻžāχ āφāĻ“āϝāĻŧāĻžāĻŽā§€ āϞ⧀āϗ⧇āϰ āĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰ-āϏāĻ‚āĻ—āĻ āύ āĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰāϞ⧀āϗ⧇āϰ āϰāĻžāϜāύ⧀āϤāĻŋāϰ āϏāĻ™ā§āϗ⧇ āϜāĻĄāĻŧāĻŋāϤ āĻ›āĻŋāϞ⧇āύāĨ¤ āĻ•āϞ⧇āϜ āĻ•āĻ°ā§āϤ⧃āĻĒāĻ•ā§āώ āϜāĻžāύāĻŋāϝāĻŧ⧇āϛ⧇, āĻ•āϞ⧇āϜ āĻ•ā§āϝāĻžāĻŽā§āĻĒāĻžāϏ āĻ“ āĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰāĻžāĻŦāĻžāϏ⧇āϰ āĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰ āϰāĻžāϜāύ⧀āϤāĻŋ āύāĻŋāώāĻŋāĻĻā§āϧ āĻĨāĻžāĻ•āĻžāϰ āĻĒāϰāĻ“ āĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰ āϰāĻžāϜāύ⧀āϤāĻŋāϰ āύāĻžāĻŽ āĻ­āĻžāĻ™āĻŋāϝāĻŧ⧇ āĻāĻ•āĻ• āĻ•āĻ°ā§āϤ⧃āĻ¤ā§āĻŦ, āĻ—ā§‹āĻˇā§āĻ ā§€āĻ—āϤ āφāϧāĻŋāĻĒāĻ¤ā§āϝ āĻāĻŦāĻ‚ āĻŦā§āϝāĻ•ā§āϤāĻŋāĻ—āϤ āĻšāĻŋāϰ⧋āχāϜāĻŽ āĻĒā§āϰāĻĻāĻ°ā§āĻļāύ, āĻ›āĻžāĻ¤ā§āϰāĻžāĻŦāĻžāϏ⧇ āĻ…āĻŦ⧈āϧ āĻ…āύ⧁āĻĒā§āϰāĻŦ⧇āĻļ, āĻ…āĻŦ⧈āϧāĻ­āĻžāĻŦ⧇ āϰ⧁āĻŽ āĻĻāĻ–āϞ, āĻ…āĻ™ā§āĻ—ā§€āĻ•āĻžāϰ āĻ­āĻ™ā§āĻ—āϏāĻš āĻ•āϞ⧇āĻœā§‡āϰ āĻļāĻŋāĻ•ā§āώāĻžāϰ āĻĒāϰāĻŋāĻŦ⧇āĻļ āύāĻˇā§āϟ, āĻŽāĻžāϰāϧāϰ āĻ“ āϏāĻ¨ā§āĻ¤ā§āϰāĻžāϏ⧀ āĻ•āĻ°ā§āĻŽāĻ•āĻžāĻŖā§āĻĄā§‡ āϝ⧁āĻ•ā§āϤ āĻĨāĻžāĻ•āĻžāϝāĻŧ āϤāĻžāĻĻ⧇āϰ āĻŦāĻšāĻŋāĻˇā§āĻ•āĻžāϰ āĻ•āϰāĻž āĻšāϝāĻŧ⧇āϛ⧇āĨ¤ āϤāĻžāĻĻ⧇āϰ āĻŽāĻ§ā§āϝ⧇ ā§­ āϜāύāϕ⧇ āĻĻ⧁āχ āĻŦāĻ›āϰ, ā§§ā§Ģ āϜāύāϕ⧇ ā§§ āĻŦāĻ›āϰ ā§Ŧ āĻŽāĻžāϏ, ā§Šā§­ āϜāύāϕ⧇ ā§§ āĻŦāĻ›āϰ āĻ“ ā§§ā§Ŧ āϜāύāϕ⧇ ā§Ŧ āĻŽāĻžāϏ⧇āϰ āϜāĻ¨ā§āϝ āĻŦāĻšāĻŋāĻˇā§āĻ•āĻžāϰ āĻ•āϰāĻž āĻšāϝāĻŧ⧇āϛ⧇āĨ¤ āĻāχ āĻŦāĻšāĻŋāĻˇā§āĻ•āĻžāϰ āϤāĻžāϞāĻŋāĻ•āĻžāϝāĻŧ ā§§ā§­ āϜāύ āχāĻ¨ā§āϟāĻžāĻ°ā§āύ āϚāĻŋāĻ•āĻŋā§ŽāϏāĻ•āĻ“ āφāϛ⧇āĨ¤ āϤāĻžāϞāĻŋāĻ•āĻžāϝāĻŧ āĻāĻ• āύāĻŽā§āĻŦāϰ⧇ āĻĨāĻžāĻ•āĻž āĻāĻŽāĻŦāĻŋāĻŦāĻŋāĻāϏ ā§Ģ⧝ āĻŦā§āϝāĻžāĻšā§‡āϰ āĻŽā§āĻļāĻĢāĻŋāϕ⧁āύ āχāϏāϞāĻžāĻŽ āϚāĻŸā§āϟāĻ—ā§āϰāĻžāĻŽ āĻŽāĻž āĻ“ āĻļāĻŋāĻļ⧁ āĻšāĻžāϏāĻĒāĻžāϤāĻžāϞ⧇āϰ āĻļāĻŋāĻļ⧁ āϏāĻžāĻ°ā§āϜāĻžāϰāĻŋāϰ āĻŦāĻŋāĻ­āĻžāϗ⧇āϰ āĻŽā§‡āĻĄāĻŋāϕ⧇āϞ āĻ…āĻĢāĻŋāϏāĻžāϰāĨ¤ āĻ āĻ›āĻžāĻĄāĻŧāĻž ā§§ā§§ āϜāύ āĻ…āĻ­āĻŋāĻ­āĻžāĻŦāĻ• āĻ“ āĻļāĻŋāĻ•ā§āώāĻžāĻ°ā§āĻĨā§€āϰ āĻ•āĻžāĻ› āĻĨ⧇āϕ⧇ āĻŽā§āϚāϞ⧇āĻ•āĻž āύāĻŋāϝāĻŧ⧇ āĻ…āĻŦā§āϝāĻžāĻšāϤāĻŋ 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āϏ⧁āĻ¤ā§āϰāσ āχāĻ¤ā§āϤ⧇āĻĢāĻžāĻ•, ā§¨ā§Ž āĻ…āĻ•ā§āĻŸā§‹āĻŦāϰ ⧍ā§Ļ⧍ā§ĒāĨ¤ āĻĸāĻžāĻ•āĻž āĻŸā§āϰāĻŋāĻŦāĻŋāωāύ, ā§¨ā§Ž āĻ…āĻ•ā§āĻŸā§‹āĻŦāϰ ⧍ā§Ļ⧍ā§ĒāĨ¤ Š āωāχāϟāύ⧇āϏāĻŦāĻŋāĻĄāĻŋ
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Waseqa Ayesha🇧🇩āĻ“ā§ŸāĻžāϏāĻŋāĻ•āĻž āĻ†ā§ŸāĻļāĻž retweeted
Bangladesh at a Turning Point: Democracy, Human Rights, and Extremism Virtual address by H.E. Sheikh Hasina at Aalto University, Helsinki, organised by the Global Center for Democratic Governance — on political persecution, the suffering of women and children, rising extremism and the halted inquiry into July and August 2024. #Bangladesh #SheikhHasina #HumanRights
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Entire Family of Chhatra League Activist Arrested and Jailed in Sunamganj: Family Alleges Police Retaliation for Questioning Custodial Treatment. The entire family of a Chhatra League (#AwamiLegaue’s student wing) leader in #Bangladesh, including his parents and two siblings, has been arrested and sent to jail over allegations of violence at a hospital. The family, however, denies the allegations and claims they were targeted for questioning the police over the treatment of their son in custody. On 31 October 2026, police in #Sunamganj arrested the family of 20-year-old Dewan Shahnawaz Chowdhury Prince, Organising Secretary of the district unit of Bangladesh Chhatra League, from a hospital in Sadar Upazila. They were subsequently sent to jail. Those arrested include Prince’s father, Raja Chowdhury; mother, Shammi Akhter Poly; younger brother, Dewan Shahriar Chowdhury Pial (18); and younger sister, Sabrina Chowdhury Rupkotha (16). Three of Prince’s friends were also arrested. What Happened? Prince was arrested around midnight on 29 October 2026 from Sunamganj’s Notunpara area. His family maintains that he was detained solely because of his political affiliation, without any specific allegation of criminal wrongdoing. Within an hour of his arrest, Prince reportedly fell seriously ill and had to be taken to hospital. According to the police, Prince’s family members and friends subsequently arrived at the hospital, created a disturbance, and attempted to forcibly remove him from police custody. The Family’s Account: Allegations of Custodial Torture Prince’s father, Raja Chowdhury, categorically denied the police allegations. According to him, the family and Prince’s friends rushed to the hospital out of concern for his safety after learning that he had suddenly fallen ill in police custody. Their concern was straightforward: How could a healthy 20-year-old become seriously ill within an hour of being arrested? Fearing that Prince might have been subjected to custodial torture or mistreatment, the family demanded an explanation from the police. Instead of receiving answers, they found themselves under arrest. The family alleges that the accusations of violence, their subsequent arrests, and their imprisonment were acts of police retaliation for daring to question what had happened to Prince in custody. News: banglatribune.com/country/syâ€Ļ A Family Seeking Answers Ends Up Behind Bars The allegations raise serious questions about the conduct of the police and the treatment of detainees and their families. Their arrests represent not merely an alleged abuse of police powers but an attempt to intimidate relatives seeking accountability for the treatment of a detainee. The arrest and imprisonment of Prince’s 16-year-old sister also raise additional concerns regarding the treatment of children within the criminal justice system. The allegations of custodial torture, police retaliation, and violence at the hospital warrant an independent and impartial investigation. And perhaps the most disturbing aspect of this incident is what it says about the expectations placed on families of political detainees in Bangladesh. How dare these parents demand an explanation for their son's sudden illness in police custody? How dare his siblings question the police? Should they not simply be grateful that their son and brother is still alive? After all, more than 50 Awami League leaders and activists have reportedly died in police and prison custody over the past two years. â€Ļ @SRjudgeslawyers @sspowles @ESandersFCDO @volker_turk @StateDRL @PearsonElaine @TheDavidBergman @Ginitastar @Irenekhan @UNHumanRights @amnestysasia @hrw
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Crushed by the Government: Bangladesh's Garment Workers Fight for a BDT 30,000 Minimum Wage Shedding blood on the streets, workers refuse to retreat - across Dhaka and its industrial outskirts, workers rise up demanding a fair wage At the end of each month, half of a garment worker's wage disappears into rent. What remains must stretch across rice, lentils, cooking oil, children's schooling and an ailing mother's medicine, and it never does. These are the people whose sweat powers Bangladesh's export economy, the world's second-largest apparel exporter after China, employing more than four million workers. Yet today, they go hungry. Under the shelter of the illegitimate government led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), market cartels have driven the prices of essential goods ever higher, while workers' wages remain frozen. The pockets of those in power grow heavier as workers' plates grow emptier. One protesting worker, Sharifa Begum, put it simply: either bring down the prices of daily necessities, or raise our wages. The demand for a minimum monthly wage of BDT 30,000 (about US$243) is therefore no exaggeration. Under the regime's oppression, it is the bare minimum needed to survive. Those same hungry workers are now on the streets. On Saturday, 31 October, for the second consecutive day, hundreds of garment workers blocked major intersections in Mirpur, a densely populated neighbourhood of the capital, Dhaka. Instead of listening to them, the illegitimate BNP government deployed additional riot police and armed police units. In Gazipur, an industrial city near Dhaka, workers blocked the Dhaka-Tangail highway, a key entry route into the capital, forcing every factory along a 13-kilometre stretch to shut for the day. Protests also erupted in Ashulia, another garment hub near Dhaka. For months, workers in Dhaka and its surrounding industrial zones have pressed three clear demands: a minimum wage of BDT 30,000, an end to blacklisting (barring workers who protest from future employment), and payment of overdue wages. But the regime has sided with factory owners and unleashed its henchmen against them. In Dhaka's Uttara area, police used batons, stun grenades, tear gas and water cannons, leaving at least 50 people injured. For the "crime" of raising their demands, many workers have been blacklisted across the industry. Meanwhile, factories keep closing. According to a report by the rights group JusticeMakers Bangladesh in France (JMBF), 457 garment factories shut down between August 2024 and June 2026, leaving more than 240,000 workers unemployed. The BNP-led administration has remained indifferent, while factory owners have even sought to postpone the next wage review until 2028. By contrast, under former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, wages were reviewed regularly through the government's Minimum Wage Board, and measures were taken to improve workers' lives, including housing support and maternity leave. Today, under the illegitimate BNP government, workers are met only with batons and guns. The days of silent endurance are over. A minimum wage of BDT 30,000, an end to blacklisting, justice for the attacks on workers, and rehabilitation for those who lost their jobs: the struggle will continue until these demands are met. Global brands profiting from Bangladeshi garments must not look away. Just as the wheels of industry never stop turning, the call for a fair wage against the oppression of the illegitimate BNP government can no longer be silenced. By Roudro Rudro, Political & Security Analyst #Bangladesh #BangladeshCrisis
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Japan’s MOFA Press Secretary Toshihiro Kitamura confirmed in a public statement, "While recent social media posts have falsely suggested that the Government of #Japan agreed to accept 100,000 workers from #Bangladesh , no such fact exists," bdnews24.com/bangladesh/6b62â€Ļ
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Symptoms appeared in another 1,316 people over the past 24 hours, with 1,171 hospitalised. The Directorate General of Health Services (DGHS) said on Friday that the toll from the disease since Mar 15 has reached 1,251. #Bangladesh bdnews24.com/health/72qg3yofâ€Ļ
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