
International Relations, Politics, Policy, Dharma, Law •• Anekāntavāda •• @SwarajyaMag
Joined June 2013
- Tweets21.7K
- Following1K
- Followers1.9K
- Likes24.2K
Pinned Tweet
IMP THREAD ON 2024 ELECTIONS🧵
Last year, I began tweeting about 'mandate denial' and 'stolen elections' narrative (check pinned tweet). This is the fallback strategy or rather main strategy for 2024 in case PM Modi secures another clear mandate, which is highly likely.
They've been laying groundwork to label 2024 as stolen elections. I've been compiling it but it got too cluttered. So here's a reiteration in this thread 🧵. Do like and repost.👇
Anmol Jain retweeted
If anyone on the non-left had any doubts about why the humanities is essential, look at how uncomfortable the Left has become with just two nascent publications – @newdelhireview and @JungIndien.
All the attacks have been petty and adhominem. Nothing substantive. They reek of fear and desperation. Why? Because this is the space that influences minds and societies.
So once again, do not leave the space open for the Left to own, manipulate, and disseminate.
The answer is not to insulate STEM folks from the social sciences. You cannot. If not in college, they’ll encounter them elsewhere throughout their lives. And if you’ve ceded the space, what they encounter will be shaped by a left-dominated intellectual ecosystem. Congratulations. You’ve ceded the space again.
The answer is to get into the humanities.. and stop condescendingly dismissing them. You’re only digging your own grave.
Obviously STEM is critical, but it is the social sciences that will shape the society around you – how people understand power, history, identity, institutions, culture, and the world they inhabit.
And anyway, if nothing else, the sheer joy of watching the commies seethe is reason enough to have more of the likes of @JungIndien and @newdelhireview.
Ha par tumne kyu apne pitaaji badal liye?
Anmol Jain retweeted
Was born in an exactly similar space. Mom calls it a ‘काल कोठरी’ and still shows us the dilapidated place whenever we go to our village.
I’m not a fool to trade what my dad built over the years for the sake of champagne dehatis on the left who fetishise poverty.
A big F U to the fetishisation of someone else’s deprivation as a moral aesthetic for one’s own self-congratulation.
When we despise dehat, it is not the people we despise. It is the mindset that can emerge as a consequence of deprivation.
And when these intellectuals glorify dehat, they don’t necessarily love the people of dehat. They love the conditions those people spend their lives trying to escape.
We see deprivation and want to end it. They see deprivation and want to romanticise it. We see people who deserve better; they see poverty that makes them feel better about themselves.
There is nothing noble about being deprived. The dignity is in the person. The deprivation is not.
I don’t mean to sound like Draco Malfoy, but I am pure-blooded Dehati.
My mother gave birth to me in a dark kaccha village hut on the banks of the Banas River. Dehat is the blood of her labour, soaking into that lipai floor.
That year, ecofeminists like Arundhati Roy were protesting against the construction of dams on rivers. Dams that would provide electricity to villages like mine.
My parents and I have worked very hard to get out of Dehat, and I feel so much joy when I see leftists, corrupt bureaucrats, and dynastic politicians throw tantrums when we don’t vote for them.
I am not going to romanticise the poverty my parents came from, or the spiritual environmentalism that leftists promote to keep women like my mother backward.
I will remain unapologetically anti-Dehat.
If anyone on the non-left had any doubts about why the humanities is essential, look at how uncomfortable the Left has become with just two nascent publications – @newdelhireview and @JungIndien.
All the attacks have been petty and adhominem. Nothing substantive. They reek of fear and desperation. Why? Because this is the space that influences minds and societies.
So once again, do not leave the space open for the Left to own, manipulate, and disseminate.
The answer is not to insulate STEM folks from the social sciences. You cannot. If not in college, they’ll encounter them elsewhere throughout their lives. And if you’ve ceded the space, what they encounter will be shaped by a left-dominated intellectual ecosystem. Congratulations. You’ve ceded the space again.
The answer is to get into the humanities.. and stop condescendingly dismissing them. You’re only digging your own grave.
Obviously STEM is critical, but it is the social sciences that will shape the society around you – how people understand power, history, identity, institutions, culture, and the world they inhabit.
And anyway, if nothing else, the sheer joy of watching the commies seethe is reason enough to have more of the likes of @JungIndien and @newdelhireview.
Anmol Jain retweeted
Only last week the Left was hyperventilating because @newdelhireview posted a mere picture of it's first edition.
But sure, non-Left is scared.
Anmol Jain retweeted
//(not sure, haven't seen the numbers, just instincts)//
THIS. This is very revealing of what Left and Congress are all about. Vibes. I think so. I believe so. 🫰🏼
Replying to @Niravjain_DXN
Naxals was a huge power back in the day. But chidambaram started the crackdown which Amit Shah took to its logical conclusion.
Under chidambaram more Naxals were killed than under any other HM (not sure, haven't seen the numbers, just instincts)
Was born in an exactly similar space. Mom calls it a ‘काल कोठरी’ and still shows us the dilapidated place whenever we go to our village.
I’m not a fool to trade what my dad built over the years for the sake of champagne dehatis on the left who fetishise poverty.
A big F U to the fetishisation of someone else’s deprivation as a moral aesthetic for one’s own self-congratulation.
When we despise dehat, it is not the people we despise. It is the mindset that can emerge as a consequence of deprivation.
And when these intellectuals glorify dehat, they don’t necessarily love the people of dehat. They love the conditions those people spend their lives trying to escape.
We see deprivation and want to end it. They see deprivation and want to romanticise it. We see people who deserve better; they see poverty that makes them feel better about themselves.
There is nothing noble about being deprived. The dignity is in the person. The deprivation is not.
I don’t mean to sound like Draco Malfoy, but I am pure-blooded Dehati.
My mother gave birth to me in a dark kaccha village hut on the banks of the Banas River. Dehat is the blood of her labour, soaking into that lipai floor.
That year, ecofeminists like Arundhati Roy were protesting against the construction of dams on rivers. Dams that would provide electricity to villages like mine.
My parents and I have worked very hard to get out of Dehat, and I feel so much joy when I see leftists, corrupt bureaucrats, and dynastic politicians throw tantrums when we don’t vote for them.
I am not going to romanticise the poverty my parents came from, or the spiritual environmentalism that leftists promote to keep women like my mother backward.
I will remain unapologetically anti-Dehat.
That is Lula's hand. 🫠
Neha posted a photo. With little finger missing.
You know what that means?
In traditional Japanese culture, members of the yakuza (organized crime) perform ritualistic pinky-cutting (Yubitsume) as an act of apology, atonement, or to demonstrate loyalty to a boss (oyabun). Historically, removing the pinky weakened a samurai's sword grip, making them more dependent on their clan for protection.
Now, there's only two members of Government that I can think of, with a Japanese connection. PM & EAM.
Hence, tagging @CellDelhi @DelhiPolice and @PMOIndia - Pls take this seriously.
This photo will be remembered for long time to come.
Anmol Jain retweeted
To understand caste stratification in India, one must study Samudragupta’s parentage and the politics of his succession.
As I keep saying, it is not the responsibility of Hindus anymore. The 'other side' (using as a colloquial) has to bear some burden.
Islam is an Arab-origin religion, which is why Arabs retain a foundational place of pride and dignity within it. The Persians then resisted and Persianised Islam under native Persian Muslim rule after overthrowing Arab political control : they injected their high culture, elevated Persian language and literary forms into the core of Islamic high culture, and produced works such as Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh, an epic that deliberately celebrates pre-Islamic Persian kings and heroes while registering clear resentment toward the Arab conquest that overthrew the Sasanian order. In doing so, they largely stripped Islam of its early Arab tribal particularism and made it a vehicle for a partial Persian cultural continuity. The Turks, for their part, supplied the imperial arm of Islam from the High Middle Ages onward and eventually converted the caliphate itself into a Turkish institution under the Ottomans.
Together these three groups (Arabs, Persians, and Turks) secured distinct and complementary roles as the theological, cultural, and imperial pillars of the Islamic world. Because the Islamisation of their lands was effectively complete, they faced little residual “pagan” stigma when they continued to take pride and transmit their pre-Islamic heritage. Iranian Muslims still read and teach the Shahnameh; Turkish Muslims still take pride in both Ottoman imperial achievement and their earlier Turkic traditions and origins; Arab Muslims continue to centre their own linguistic and genealogical heritage. Pre-Islamic culture could be domesticated without existential conflict.
Elsewhere the pattern was different. In India, Islam was introduced and expanded largely by military conquest rather than by organic, majority conversion under native Muslim polities. There was never a sustained, indigenous Indian Muslim dynasty that ruled in the subcontinent. More decisively, Hinduism’s continued demographic resistance and civilisational continuity meant that large-scale Islamisation never occurred. As a result, Indian Islam was never fully domesticated. It retained a pronounced anti-Indian edge (with important exceptions) that has historically preferred to celebrate foreign Turkish invaders and an imported Persianate high culture while remaining distant from, or actively hostile to, the native Hindu high culture of the land.
The contrast is concrete. How many Kashmiri Muslims read and treat Kalhana’s Rajatarangini (the classic chronicle of Kashmir’s pre-Islamic kings) as part of their own cultural inheritance, in the way Persianate Muslims treat the Shahnameh? How many Awadhi Muslims read Tulsidas’s Ramcharitmanas and regard it as a shared element of their regional heritage?. In other cases too, the answer remains largely negative: the preferred historical memory continues to centre figures such as Mahmud of Ghazni, Muhammad Ghori, Sikandar Shah, and/or the Mughals, while native pre-Islamic kings and traditions are treated as alien or irrelevant.
This is an honest and still unresolved tension. As long as large sections of Indian Muslim opinion continue to glorify foreign conquerors and an imported Persianate culture at the expense of the native high culture of the subcontinent, simply because that native culture is shared with Hindus, Islam in India will remain incompletely domesticated. The resulting friction with the Hindu majority is structural, not merely contingent on particular politicians or incidents. Lasting civic peace becomes realistic only when the dominant pattern shifts toward the model represented by figures such as A.P.J. Abdul Kalam: Muslims who treat the land’s deeper civilisational inheritance as their own rather than as the property of an adversary community. Until that domestication occurs on a broad scale, the cultural and historical gulf will continue the conflict.
Anmol Jain retweeted
I'm not contracted only to a State that came into being in 1947. I'm contracted, loyal, and obliged to a civilizational nation that has had a continued conscious existence since antiquity. In fact, more so to the latter.
#ThoughtsWhileReading @ANewIdeaOfIndia @harshmadhusudan
Anmol Jain retweeted
It is a valid fear, and may have in part, contributed to Galwan. But I don’t think Beijing sees itself as a peaking power. Not relative to DC at least. But relative to Delhi specifically, it does see the ratio of comprehensive national power peaking out. It won’t admit it though.
Replying to @harshmadhusudan
All I fear is if China starts behaving like a 'Peaking Power', knowing that it is running out of time. That will make it particularly dangerous.
Anmol Jain retweeted
'I can state with confidence that, in 36 years of interaction with FPIs, we have never seen such dismay'
- Ajit Dayal
'I have been investing in Indian equities for over 30 years. Rarely have I seen foreign sentiment this bad'
- Akash Prakash
'I have spent two decades studying India’s growth. Never during this period have I seen such despondency about India’s prospects'
- My third book: "Long India: The World's Greatest Investment Opportunity", being published by Penguin, will be available for pre-order this Diwali.
"Why all things go to Gujarat wonly saar?"
ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿನ ಐಟಿ ಕಂಪನಿಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಕನ್ನಡಿಗರಿಗೆ ಉದ್ಯೋಗಾವಕಾಶಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಅನ್ಯಾಯವಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ ಎಂಬ ದೂರುಗಳು ಕೇಳಿಬರುತ್ತಿರುವುದು ವಿಷಾದನೀಯ. ಕನ್ನಡ ಮಾತೃಭಾಷೆ ಇರುವವರನ್ನು ಕಡೆಗಣಿಸಲಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ ಎಂಬ ವಿಷಯವನ್ನು ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಗಂಭೀರವಾಗಿ ಪರಿಗಣಿಸಿದೆ.
ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದಲ್ಲಿ ಕನ್ನಡಿಗನೇ ಸಾರ್ವಭೌಮ. ಕನ್ನಡಿಗರ ಹಕ್ಕು, ಗೌರವ ಮತ್ತು ಅವಕಾಶಗಳನ್ನು ಯಾವುದೇ ಕಾರಣಕ್ಕೂ ಕಡೆಗಣಿಸಲು ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಅವಕಾಶ ನೀಡುವುದಿಲ್ಲ. ಜಗತ್ತು ಬೆಂಗಳೂರನ್ನು ಭಾರತದ ತಂತ್ರಜ್ಞಾನ ರಾಜಧಾನಿಯಾಗಿ ನೋಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದು, ನಮ್ಮ ಕನ್ನಡಿಗರ ಪ್ರತಿಭೆ, ಕೌಶಲ್ಯ ಮತ್ತು ಸಾಮರ್ಥ್ಯದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ನಮಗೆ ಅಪಾರ ಹೆಮ್ಮೆಯಿದೆ.
ಕನ್ನಡಿಗರನ್ನು ಯಾವುದೇ ಖಾಸಗಿ ಸಂಸ್ಥೆ ಉದ್ದೇಶಪೂರ್ವಕವಾಗಿ ಕಡೆಗಣಿಸಿರುವುದು ಕಂಡುಬಂದರೆ, ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಸೂಕ್ತ ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಲಿದೆ. ಕನ್ನಡಿಗರ ಹಿತಾಸಕ್ತಿಗೆ ಧ್ವನಿಯಾಗಿ, ಅವರ ಸಮಸ್ಯೆಗಳಿಗೆ ಸ್ಪಂದಿಸಲು ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಸದಾ ಬದ್ಧವಾಗಿದೆ.


















