Rami Labban (@RamiLabban) header
Rami Labban (@RamiLabban) profile picture

Peace Advocate / peace is cheaper than war / 🇱🇧 🇰🇳

Beirut
Joined November 2011
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Rami Labban retweeted
Mr. Vice-President, Please allow me to present a different perspective. The problem was not the Iran War. It was the cease fire. If you start a war, you need to win it and finish it – otherwise don’t start it. This war should have been over six months ago, with the Strait of Hormuz wide open and oil flowing. The second and third tiers of Iranian leadership should have been destroyed, and we should have supported the pro-western forces who could have taken leadership. We stood on the brink of a new, more peaceful Middle East - and then we blinked. We had a chance not only to deny Iran nuclear weapons, but to get rid of the world’s biggest supporter of terrorism. Instead, we had a cease fire, which was followed by months of will we or won’t we finish the job. Every day was a different message. There still is. Is the war over? Is it about to begin? No one knows. There is confusion and inconsistency. In June 2025, America was not involved. This was an Israel vs Iran issue. No one forced the United States to attack Iran then, or in February of 2026. It was a decision made by President Trump. In my opinion, it was the right decision. Once the decision was made, we should not have stopped until the regime fell. But instead, you negotiated a cease fire that didn’t last, didn’t work and left us in no man’s land, with higher prices and our troops still deployed. Our troops could have been home, the Navy returned to its bases, a peaceful regime in place , new alliances forged, and gas prices below $3.00 a gallon. No, Mr. Vice President. It’s not the war. It’s the so-called cease fire.
One of the things the data analysts on our side obsessed over was "composition"—whether the electorate looked close enough to 2024 for Republicans to win. And despite polls that showed a Democrat blowout, the data kept on telling us the same story: in some states turnout was merely OK, in other states it was downright amazing, and in no state was it catastrophic. There was a genuine sense of optimism on our team: our people were showing up. So, I asked the smartest data guy I know, does that mean we're going to shock the world? "No," he told me. "We might do better than the polls suggest. But the data is telling us that a lot of Trump/Vance 2024 voters are pissed and planning to vote for the other guys. Our voters are turning out, but they may not vote for us." Well, that looks prophetic now. Our voters did show up. In Florida, for example, the electorate was 9 points more Republican than Democrat, just a couple points worse than 2024. Undoubtedly there were places we could have done better on turnout. But the main problem is not turnout. The main problem is that many people who voted for Trump/Vance in 2024 voted for Democrats in 2026. There will be a lot of infighting and arguing over what happened and why that is. One of the pollsters I really respect told me that our economic messaging wasn’t sharp enough down the stretch. I’m sure that’s true. But the real reason we lost is obvious to almost everyone. Another pollster—one of the smartest people I know in politics, told me yesterday we’d lose the generic ballot by 13 points. I felt negative going into Tuesday, but even I was shocked by this. In his polling, he saw that a lot of Trump 2024 voters were angry and planning to vote for Democrats. He asked those voters who had abandoned us what would cause them to come back on our team. The top four answers, accounting for nearly all of the responses were: 1) End the war 2) Focus on cost of living/inflation 3) Put America First 4) Change our relationship to Israel Our voters showed up. And the above four reasons are why many of them voted for Democrats. This is according to a pollster who nailed the results. While many spent Monday attacking Rachel Campos Duffy for calling for a diplomatic resolution to the conflict, it turns out her political advice was sound. (She’s also a great person.) In the next few months, there's going to be a lot of gaslighting. Expect to hear any number of establishment politicians say the solution to our woes is amnesty. I'm open to the idea that we should change enforcement—by focusing more on businesses that hire illegal labor, for instance. But anyone pushing amnesty is lying to you. The reason we lost is the war. The president himself said so last night. If you'd like to argue it was worth it, that losing the Senate for the next 6 years was worth it, then do so. Argue it was a worthwhile cost to pay. Agree or disagree, that's at least honest. But everyone knows why we lost. And any honest conversation about where we go from here must start there. I remain hopeful about our country. To the people who are pissed off and want to say, “I told you so”: you’re right, you did tell us so. Take that energy into electing Republicans who share your worldview. To the people who are just pissed at the results, you should be. Let’s take that anger and get back to the work of saving our country.
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Rami Labban retweeted
‼️ Quite significant (~surprising): A sharp US rebuke of Jumblatt’s remarks. A State Department spokesman said : •In keeping with his long record, Walid Jumblatt will do and say whatever is best for Walid Jumblatt, with little regard for principle, his own constituency, or the future of his country. •Hizballah and their friends thought the so-called Islamabad Track could serve as license for Hizballah to retain its arsenal while Israel withdraws again. That was never a realistic option.  •The Trilateral Framework is an agreement between two sovereign states, with a clear, reciprocal, sequenced process. Israel has already agreed to withdraw, contingent on Hizballah disarmament and the LAF moving into pilot zones.  •Relying on Iran to disarm Hizballah is a mechanism for preserving Tehran's veto over Lebanese sovereignty.  •Hizballah has dragged Lebanon into two suicidal wars on behalf of Iran. In the end, until they are disarmed, Hizballah will do whatever their puppet-masters in Tehran tell them to do and the people of Lebanon will be forced to pay the price.  •As Ambassador Issa has said, the United States is prepared to engage Hizballah only through the Lebanese state, and only on the topic of disarmament.
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Rami Labban retweeted
Anyone who calls himself an ally of the United States should be insulted by this. Allies are told that American power stands behind pluralism, protection of minorities and accountability for atrocity. Barrack’s version offers none of those: minorities are managed, massacres are explained away, and terrorist groups are given “paths.” If that is American policy, it should be debated openly. If it isn’t, the president should find an envoy who understands the difference between mediating and carrying water. The Druze of Sweida, the Kurds of the northeast and the Lebanese deserve better than a salesman. So does America’s reputation. My latest nowlebanon.com/the-envoy-who…
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Rami Labban retweeted
43 years ago, Hezbollah terrorists attacked U.S. Marine barracks in Beirut, Lebanon, and killed 241 Americans. We will never forget their sacrifice. 🇺🇸 The attack was directed, financed and ordered by the same evil Iranian regime that President Trump is fighting today.
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Rami Labban retweeted
Lebanon was once a successful nation. It was the Switzerland of the Middle East, the university of the region, the hospital of the region, and the bank of the region. It was the only place where freedom spoke Arabic. In the 1960s, Israel’s Ministry of Tourism sent a group of experts to meet with an advertising agency in New York, and their goal was to make Tel Aviv look as beautiful as Beirut in order to attract tourists. The prince of Dubai, Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid, wrote in his biography that when he visited Beirut in the 1960s, he was fascinated by the city and told his father that his dream was to make Dubai one day like Beirut. But all of that was destroyed when Muslims prioritized Islamic causes over Lebanese causes, invited Palestinian terrorists into Lebanon, and forced the Lebanese government to legitimize their right to bear arms and turn southern Lebanon into a launching pad against Israel. With the aid of Lebanese traitors, leftists who hated prosperous, pro-Western Lebanon and wanted to destroy it, the Muslims, the leftists, and the Palestinians waged a war against the Christians that destroyed the country to this day. The same story is happening again today in the West. Muslims have imported the Islamic cause called Palestine and, with the help of traitors who have learned to hate their own countries, are turning the West into a launching pad against itself, using Palestine, which is the symbol of Islam, against Israel, which is the symbol of the West. This Islamic cause, jihad, which was rebranded in the West as resistance to occupation and imperialism, is a weapon being used by the Left and its useful idiots as the rope that will eventually hang them first.
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Rami Labban retweeted
قـضـاء أو قــدر متل الدولة، في قضاء عميق كمان (بيشيل توتيا يعني). ومعو قوانين عالم تالت، ومحكمة عسكرية بتتعاطى مدنيّين. هيدا ما إسمو قضاء، هيدا ماكسيموم قدر.
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الدولة شغالة ليل نهار عم يوقفوا ويحبسوا جماعة ال happy ending وهيدا شي عظيم جداً ومشكورين طيب وجماعة ال sad ending يلي هتكوا انو وأبوا للبلد بالمتفجرات اي متى بيحبسونهم؟ #لبنان
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Every word the Hezbollah lawmaker says below is a lie. Hezbollah has been proved to assassinate Lebanese personalities, wage civil war (May 7, 2008) and beat protesters in the streets 2019/2020, also block the judiciary from investigating port explosion. The Lebanese need a state and army to protect them and crack down on Hezbollah. President Aoun and the Lebanese Army are just not doing it.
🗣️ Hezbollah MP Ibrahim Mousawi, commenting on the truck incident in Dahr al-Baydar: - If reports that the vehicle belongs to the “resistance” are true, everyone should know that the resistance has nothing to be ashamed or embarrassed about. - No one should attempt to issue threats, make unacceptable statements, level accusations or insinuate any involvement in assassinations or other acts. - The resistance has a clear, honorable and distinguished history. It has never engaged in a civil war or used its military strength in internal conflicts or disputes.
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Rami Labban retweeted
His Excellency Mr. Nabih Berri Speaker of Parliament Subject: Parliamentary question addressed to the Government concerning the explosives seized in the Dahr al-Baydar area Pursuant to Article 124 of Parliament’s Rules of Procedure, we hereby submit the attached parliamentary question to the Government and request that it be forwarded to His Excellency the Prime Minister for a response within the prescribed legal time limit and in accordance with the applicable procedures. Please accept the assurances of our highest consideration. Fouad Mostafa Makhzoumi Member of Parliament Beirut, 12 October 2026 His Excellency Judge Nawaf Salam Prime Minister Subject: Parliamentary question concerning the explosives seized in the Dahr al-Baydar area, the ongoing investigations, potential responsibilities, and the measures taken by the Government Your Excellency, Whereas several media outlets have reported the seizure of large quantities of explosives in the Dahr al-Baydar area and the arrest of two individuals in connection with the case, amid reports and suspicions of possible links between the two detainees, or the transportation of the explosives, and Hezbollah; Whereas published reports indicate that the Internal Security Forces carried out the seizure and arrests, and that the two detainees were handed over to the Military Police for further investigation under the supervision of the military judiciary, while reports concerning the quantity, types, source and destination of the explosives, and the parties responsible for them, remain inconsistent and have not been officially clarified; Whereas the Minister of Justice, Judge Adel Nassar, stated on 10 October 2026 that eliminating illegal weapons, combating terrorism and pursuing those who break the law constitute an irreversible course of action, affirming that the investigation into the seized explosives and all matters arising from it would be pursued to its conclusion; Whereas this official position must be accompanied by clear security and administrative measures and full cooperation with the competent judicial authorities, ensuring that all circumstances surrounding the case are uncovered and potential responsibilities are established at every level; Whereas referring the two detainees to the competent judicial authorities, although important, does not necessarily mean that the investigation is complete or that all responsibilities have been established, particularly if other parties supplied or stored the explosives, financed or organised their transportation, or issued the relevant orders; Whereas transporting large quantities of explosive materials outside the legal framework and without the oversight of the competent authorities, if established, constitutes a direct threat to national security and public safety, and raises serious questions about the effectiveness of security controls over the movement of weapons, ammunition and explosives within Lebanese territory; Whereas the principle of the State’s exclusive authority over arms and the extension of its authority throughout its territory require that no party, regardless of its status or affiliation, be permitted to transport, store or otherwise handle explosives outside the framework permitted by law; Whereas the Government’s responsibility extends beyond following up on security procedures to addressing potential shortcomings, taking the necessary preventive measures, and ensuring that the agencies and administrations under its authority cooperate with the competent judicial authorities to prevent such incidents from recurring; Whereas respect for judicial independence and the confidentiality of investigations does not preclude Parliament from exercising its oversight powers and holding the Government accountable for the measures taken within its constitutional and legal authority; We therefore address the following questions to the Government: I. Official facts and the nature of the seized explosives What are the official facts concerning the seizure of explosives in the Dahr al-Baydar area? When and under what circumstances did the operation take place, and which security agencies carried it out? What were the exact quantities of explosives seized, their types, technical characteristics and degree of danger? Were any other materials, equipment, documents or military supplies seized alongside them? How does the Government explain the substantial discrepancies in media reports concerning the quantities and types of materials seized? Do the competent authorities intend to issue an official clarification to resolve these conflicting accounts, to the extent permitted by the requirements of the investigation? II. The source, transportation route and destination of the explosives What information have the competent security agencies obtained regarding the source of the explosives, where they were stored and loaded, the route they travelled and their intended destination? Has any information emerged concerning the purpose of transporting these materials and the identities of the individuals or parties that supplied them, organised or financed their transportation, or issued the relevant orders? Has the identity of the intended recipient of these explosives been verified, along with their potential intended use? III. Suspected links to Hezbollah and other potentially involved parties What is the truth behind the reports suggesting possible links between the two detainees, or the transportation of the explosives, and Hezbollah? Do the competent security agencies possess information or evidence supporting or refuting these suspicions? What measures have been taken to verify them and submit any available evidence to the competent judicial authorities? Do the investigations examine the possibility that organisational structures, leadership figures or financing entities were behind the operation, rather than limiting the inquiry into potential responsibility to those who directly transported the explosives? IV. Judicial investigations and measures taken concerning the two detainees Does the Government confirm that the two detainees were handed over to the Military Police and that the investigations are continuing under the supervision of the military judiciary? What measures have the relevant security agencies taken since the explosives were seized? What information can the Government provide regarding the procedural status of the two detainees without compromising judicial independence or the confidentiality of the investigations? Have the competent agencies obtained information suggesting that other individuals may have participated in planning, carrying out or facilitating the operation, and has that information been referred to the competent judicial authorities? What measures have been taken to ensure the preservation and integrity of the seized materials and evidence? V. Prior knowledge by official authorities and oversight of the transportation of explosives Did any official body or security agency have prior knowledge of the transportation of this quantity of explosives? Was the transportation carried out under any lawful permit or authorisation issued by the competent authorities? If it is established that the transportation took place without lawful authorisation, what measures has the Government taken to identify and address the security or administrative shortcomings that allowed it to occur, and to hold those responsible accountable where appropriate? Have any failures or deficiencies been identified in the mechanisms governing oversight of the movement of explosive materials between Lebanese regions? VI. The possible existence of other networks or storage facilities Have the competent security agencies, in coordination with the judiciary and in accordance with legal procedures, begun examining whether the seized explosives may be linked to other storage facilities, previous transportation operations or organised networks operating beyond State oversight? Have proactive security measures been taken to identify potential risks to public safety and detect any similar materials that may be stored or circulated unlawfully? What measures does the Government intend to take to strengthen oversight of the transportation of explosive materials and prevent such operations from recurring? VII. The Minister of Justice’s statement and the commitment to completing the investigations In light of the statement made by the Minister of Justice, Judge Adel Nassar, on 10 October 2026 that the investigation into the seized explosives and all matters arising from it would be pursued to its conclusion, what practical measures has the Government taken, within its authority, to ensure that all relevant agencies and administrations cooperate with the competent judicial authorities? Does this cooperation include providing all available information concerning the source of the explosives and the parties that may have financed, organised, ordered or facilitated the operation? What measures have been taken to prevent any political or security interference or pressure that could obstruct the work of the competent agencies or withhold information and evidence from the judiciary? Does the Government commit to referring any incidents involving attempted interference, concealment of evidence or protection of those implicated to the competent judicial authorities, regardless of the status or affiliations of the individuals concerned? VIII. The Government’s responsibility for ensuring the State’s exclusive authority over arms and enforcing State authority What practical measures has the Government taken, or does it intend to take, to ensure that no armed group or organisation outside legitimate State institutions transports, stores or otherwise handles explosives beyond State oversight? How do the Government’s actions in this case align with its commitment to the State’s exclusive authority over arms, the extension of its authority throughout Lebanese territory, and the reservation of security and military decisions exclusively to the competent constitutional and legitimate institutions? Does the Government intend to take additional measures to ensure that the movement of weapons, ammunition and explosives is subject to oversight by the competent authorities, and that the law is applied to all parties without exception? IX. Potential responsibilities and the need to look beyond the direct perpetrators What measures has the Government taken, within its legal authority, to ensure that the competent agencies cooperate with the judiciary in uncovering all potential responsibilities, and that information gathering and inquiries are not confined to the individuals found in possession of the explosives? Does the Government affirm its commitment not to provide political or administrative protection to any individual or party whose involvement is established, and to take the measures required by law within its jurisdiction, regardless of the status or affiliations of those concerned? X. Transparency, follow-up and parliamentary accountability Does the Government commit to providing Parliament, through its Speaker, with a detailed written report setting out the verified official facts, the security and administrative measures taken, the preventive measures adopted, and any information concerning the case that may lawfully be disclosed? Does it commit to keeping Parliament informed of material developments falling within its responsibility, and to making public those facts that may lawfully be published, thereby ensuring transparency and accountability while respecting judicial independence and the confidentiality of investigations in accordance with the law? Accordingly, We request that this question be referred to the Government for a written response within the time limit and in accordance with the procedures prescribed by Parliament’s Rules of Procedure. We reserve the right to exercise all available constitutional and legal oversight mechanisms, including converting this question into a formal interpellation in accordance with the applicable procedures, should clear and sufficient answers not be provided. The seriousness of this case extends beyond the quantity of explosives seized. It raises fundamental questions about their source and destination, the parties behind them, and the State’s ability to exercise control over the movement of weapons and explosives within its territory. While affirming the importance of completing the judicial investigations with full independence, we emphasise that referring the two detainees to the judiciary does not relieve the Government of its responsibility to take the necessary security and preventive measures. Nor does it remove the need to uncover all potential responsibilities, rather than stopping at the direct perpetrators if the involvement of other parties behind the operation is established. The security and safety of the Lebanese people are a red line. No party, regardless of its status or affiliation, may stand above the law or beyond State oversight. No weapons, explosives or security decisions may remain outside the authority of the State and its legitimate institutions. Establishing the full truth and holding everyone whose responsibility is proven accountable in accordance with the law constitute a national duty and an institutional responsibility that must neither be neglected nor subjected to political considerations. Please accept the assurances of our highest consideration. Fouad Mostafa Makhzoumi Member of Parliament
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شاهدت الحلقة المرفقة أدناه وعندي الملاحظات التالية: ١- الحوكمة والسياسات والرشيدة في أي دولة لا ترتبط لا من قريب ولا من بعيد بالهوية الإثنية للدولة. الولايات المتحدة دولة متعددة الأعراق والإثنيات وهي الأنجح والأكثر ثراء وبحبوحة في العالم اليوم، والهوية الأميركية مبنية على تبني الدستور بغض النظر عن الجذور العرقية أو الإثنية للمواطن الأميركي الذي يتبنى هذا الدستور ويقسم الولاء للعلم والجمهورية. ٢- يمكن لأي دولة أن تستعير من التاريخ بعض الروايات، حقيقية كانت أم متخيلة، لتعذية الهوية الوطنية، ولتشكيل صورة الدولة وتراثها ومناسباتها الوطنية وشكل حيّزها العام. لكن خلط القومية والسياسية بالتاريخ كارثة تؤذي الإثنين: السياسات الرشيدة والتاريخ. التاريخ للتاريخ، نكتبه كنشاط أكاديمي مستقل عن نتائجه، مثل السوسيولوجيا أو الأنثروبولوجيا أو أي منهج أكاديمي آخر، ولا تؤثر نتائجه في تحديد هويات الدول ولا رسم السياسات. ٣- اللغة ليست مقياسا للهوية القومية. طبعا الأستاذ أمين يلقي باللائمة على اللبنانيين ممن يتبنون العربية أو يتحدثونها ويعتبرها لغة الاحتلال الإسلامي. أولا هذه قراءة خاطئة للتاريخ، فاللغة الفينيقية تلاشت مع القرون الأولى بعد الميلاد واللغة الآرامية تطورت في المشرق وصار فرع منها معروف بأرامو عربي، وهذه تحولت الى العربية وانتشرت في المشرق قبل ظهور الإسلام بثلاثة قرون على الأقل. يعني لما جاءت الفتوحات العربية المتخيلة (وهذا موضوع آخر)، كان مسيحيو المشرق من العقيدة الخلقدونية ومن الخارجين عنها ومن المسيحيين الرافضين لالوهية يسوع كلهم يتحدثون العربية، وهذا حدث لأسباب تجارية وثقافية، تماما كالآرامية التي انتشرت من شمال أفريقيا الى حدود الهند بدون ”ضربة كف“ ولا فتوحات ولا حروب. ثانيا، الآباء المؤسسون للبنان أنفسهم لم يتحدثوا الآرامية كعامية لهم (على الرغم من كثرة المفردات الآرامية في المحكية اللبنانية). رسائل مؤسس لبنان البطريرك الحويك كانت بالعربية، ومثله أعمال وخطابات من سبقه من البطاركة الموارنة ومن تلاه. من منع هؤلاء من استخدام السريانية كلغة تواصل وتفاهم مع أهلهم ومحيطهم؟ سوروس والصليبي ومكرم رباح؟ ٤- الفدرالية كارثة. اذا كان لا بد من تعديل دستور لبنان ووجوده، فالحل الأمثل هو التقسيم الكامل الى دول مستقلة ذات سيادة (وهذا موضوع أنا كتبت في الدعوة اليه منذ عقدين على الأقل). الفدرالية لا تكفي للحفاظ على غير المسلمين وهوياتهم وثقافاتهم في لبنان لأن القوانين الفدرالية تسمو على المحلية وكذلك السياسات الخارجية والدفاعية والنقدية. يعني طالما يرتبط جبل لبنان وحزب الله بنفس المصرف المركزي والنقد، سيبقى اقتصاد جبل لبنان — فدراليا أم لا — غير قابل للنمو بسبب الميليشيا الاسلامية وحروبها الأبدية. ولكن قبل أن نقسّم لبنان، لا ضير من اعطاء الصيغة الحالية فرصة اخيرة (وأشك أنها ستفي بالغرض). ٥- الدول لا تبنى على يمين ويسار. الفكر المؤسس لأي دولة يتمحور حول ”علّة الوجود“، اما وطن اثنية ما — مثل فرنسا والدنمارك وإسرائيل — أو وطن مبني حول أفكار الحرية الفردية والمساواة، مثل الولايات المتحدة وكندا. منذ تشكّل دولة لبنان، تشكّلت معه هوية قومية تجمع ثقافات وإرث متعدد مسيحي ودرزي وشيعي وسني، وللبنان عادات مجتمعية عابرة للطوائف ومحكية مشتركة وتاريخ مشترك (وإن لا يتعدى القرن). هذا اللبنان هو المطلوب استعادته وبناء سيادته واستقلاله كدولة ديموقراطية لا عربية ولا إسلامية ولا مسيحية ولا درزية، تعيش في سلام ثنائي مع إسرائيل (يعني لا يرتبط بالسلام العربي المتعدد الأطراف مثل مبادرة السلام العربية أو القضية الفلسطينية). لبنان الحريات والديموقراطية هو الذي يسمح لكل طائفة ومجموعة الحفاظ على تراثها الديني واللغوي وغيره. أما الحيز العام للبنان، فشكله تعايشي لبناني خاص باللبنانيين ولا يشبه العروبة ولا الإسلام ولا الغرب ولا الشرق. هوية فريدة تتشكل من تعاقب حضارات وظروف شكّلت هذه الدولة وهذا الشعب. أما في سياسة الدولة، فالمنطق السليم يقول أن التحالف مع الولايات المتحدة والغرب وإسرائيل والدول ذات الديموقراطيات الليبرالية هو في مصلحة أي دولة في العالم — منها لبنان — أكثر من التحالف مع الدول ذات الأنظمة السياسية الدموية والمتخلّفة مثل روسيا والصين وإيران. ٦- الحفاظ على الهويات والتراث أمر جميل ومطلوب. أنا مثلا، نقلت اللغة العربية والتراث اللبناني والعربي الى أولادي الذي ولدوا ونشأوا في الولايات المتحدة. لم أطالب بجمهورية منفصلة للحفاظ على هذا التراث، فقط الحرية لممارسته ونقله الى الأولاد. وهكذا لبنان وغيره. يمكن نقل الهوية المارونية السريانية أو المارونية العربية أو كل ماروني يراها كما يشاء الى أولاده ومحيطه وأصدقائه. هذا الأمر لا يتطلب إعلان دولة خاصة لذلك ولا تخوين من لا يشارك نفس الرؤية للهوية أو للتاريخ. الأمر الوحيد المطلوب هو تشكيل هوية الدولة بشكل يؤكد أنها ليست قطرا عربيا، ولا من الأمة الإسلامية، بل دولة ذات هوية اجتماعية وقومية وتاريخية فريدة ومستقلة، وتشكّل فيها المارونية السريانية والعربية والإسلام اللبناني جزء من الهوية القومية اللبنانية. ٧- مع كل الاحترام للأستاذ أمين وحقه في مناقشة التاريخ واللسانيات وشؤونهما، التاريخ مهنة مثل الهندسة المعمارية أو غيرها، ينفق المتخصصون فيها سنوات عمرهم في تعلمها، واتقان أدواتها وأنماطها، فالمؤرخ هو ليس صاحب القصة التي يكتبها، بل هو صاحب الأدوات المنهجية والأنماط والمدارس في تدوين التاريخ التي استند اليها في كتابة القصة. بكلام آخر، التاريخ هو كيفية وعملية التحقيق والتدوين. التاريخ ليس القصة نفسها الناجمة عن العملية، وهذه قصة تختلف بين مؤرخ وآخر. youtube.com/watch?v=VIAUR-eo…
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من يعثر على كلمة ايران في هذا النص له جائزة.. @amremoussa
تتعرض المملكة العربية السعودية حالياً لاعتداء سافر على سيادتها وأمنها، وهو جزء من تهديد مباشر للأمن العربي بأسره. وأقول بوضوح: إن أمن السعودية وسيادتها يجب أن يعتبر خطاً أحمر، والاعتداء عليها لا يجوز أن يقابل بيانات الإدانة والتضامن فقط. آن الأوان لأن يدرك الجميع في العالم العربي أن ما يواجهونه من تحديات ومخاطر يفرض تجاوز خلافاتهم، مهما بلغت، أو تأجيلها أو تجميدها؛ والانتقال فوراً إلى موقف عربي حاسم وعملي. إنها فرصة، بل ضرورة تاريخية، لإعادة بناء التضامن على أساس المصالح والفهم الصحيح لخطورة الموقف بالنسبة للمجموع العربي. نحن أمام لحظة نكون فيها أو لا نكون. فإما أن نتحمل مسؤولية الدفاع عن أمننا وسيادتنا ونصوغ مستقبل المنطقة، وإما أن نترك للآخرين تقرير مصائرنا ورسم خرائط مستقبلنا، وهو ما لا يجوز أبداً. إنني أطالب بعقد اجتماع فوري لوزراء الخارجية العرب في الرياض باعتباره مجلس أمن عربي، تأكيداً للتضامن العربي الصريح مع المملكة العربية السعودية والخليج العربي كله، واتخاذاً لموقف جماعي واضح وفاعل لوقف حالة الفوضى التي تجتاح المنطقة، وأن يمهد هذا الاجتماع لقمة عربية عاجلة، للتوافق على موقف عربي استراتيجي شامل إزاء التحديات القائمة على مختلف الجبهات؛ من الأوضاع في الخليج العربي، إلى القضية الفلسطينية وما تتعرض له من محاولات لتصفيتها، مروراً بأزمات المشرق والمغرب العربي والبحر الأحمر والقرن الأفريقي. إن المطلوب اليوم ليس إدارة الأزمات كلٌّ على حدة، ولا الاكتفاء بردود الأفعال، وإنما بلورة موقف عربي يعيد للعرب زمام المبادرة ويؤكد أنهم لديهم القدرة على تقرير مستقبل المنطقة. هي هجمة شاملة ومن ثم هي لحظة قرار، لا لحظة انتظار. وليكن الاعتداء على الرياض، بل والخليج كله، نقطة انطلاق لتحرك عربي جاد يعيد الاعتبار للعرب ويطلق قدراتهم.
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صور المواد المتفجرة التي ينقلها عناصر حزب الله من البقاع اللبناني تظهر بينها معدات لتوجيه التفجير، وهذه المعدات على عددها تعني أن المسألة كانت تحضيرا لاغتيالات عدة على الأراضي اللبنانية. "عودة الحزب إلى صباه في التفجير والاغتيال"..
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هل أرسل الحزب من بعلبك إلى بيروت سيارة واحدة محملة بالمتفجرات، أم عدة سيارات كشفت واحدة منها حتى الآن؟ وهل من الممكن أن تكون سيارات أخرى قد عبرت قبلها أو بعدها؟ عم نحكي عن مواد متفجرة من نوع T N T و C 4، يلي رح يكون استخدامها في اغتيالات أو تفجيرات داخلية. وهيدي احتمالات خطيرة تستدعي تحقيقا جديا وإجابات واضحة. ما ينسب إلى الحزب، لا يفترض أن يشكل مفاجأة. فالمشكلة الأساسية ليست في اكتشاف استمرار ممارساته، بل في استمرار الظروف التي تسمح بها. الصدمة الحقيقية هي في أداء الدولة، التي كان يفترض بها منذ أكثر من سنة ونصف أن تبدأ بإنهاء هذه الحالة الشاذة، وأن تنتقل من إعلان حصرية السلاح إلى فرضها فعليا. فبعد كل القرارات والتعهدات، أين خطة التنفيذ؟ وأين الإجراءات التي تمنع استمرار نقل السلاح والمتفجرات خارج سلطة المؤسسات الشرعية؟ لا يمكن للدولة أن تكتفي بكشف المخالفات والتعامل مع نتائجها، فيما تبقى البنية التي تنتجها قائمة. المطلوب ليس إدارة هذه الحالة أو التعايش معها كما يحصل منذ سنة ونصف، بل إنهاؤها نهائياً . وهذه مسؤولية الدولة من الرئيس الجمهورية إلى رئيس الحكومة وقائد الجيش أولا وأخيرا.
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Rubio 2028.
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ظـاهــرة صديق عمر وصحفي صريح. ما بيطيق العصابة، بس كمان مش كتير مشردق عحلّ مستدام. بتحسّ غنّية "أجراس العودة فلتقرع" بعدا بتأثّر فيه أكتر من "عم بحلمك يا حلم يا لبنان" - تنياتن رحابنة وسعيد عقل بالمناسبة. حديثو منطقي، بس مش كتير. قسّم الناس تلات أنواع: ممانعة ماكس، ممانعة لايت، والصحناويين. واعتبر الممانعة لايت خيار طبيعي قادر يواجه العصابة، بينما الصحناويين، أو الإبراهيميين، "ظاهرة". يمكن كرأي ووكي بيحقلّو. بس كمنطق، صعبة شوي. هيدي متل قصّة الاتحاد السوڤياتي: “مش الشيوعية فشلت، إنما سوء تطبيقا.” لأن المشكلة مش إذا الممانعة ماكس أو لايت. المشكلة بالممانعة كمبدأ: إنو علاقات لبنان لازم تبقى محكومة بعقائد مسبقة، بدل ما تقرّرا الجمهورية وفق مصلحة الدولة والناس. فيك تكره الكيان وتلعن أبو الساعة يلي خلق فيها. هيدا رأيك وحقّك. بس تحوّل رأيك لعقيدة وطنية ملزمة شي تاني تماماً. هون "الظاهرة" يا عزيزي. بعد كل اللي صار، الغريب مش إنو في لبناني بدّو ينهي هالصراع إلى أبد الآبدين. الغريب إنو بعد في لبناني بيعتبر هالصراع خيار طبيعي، وبس لأنو بيعنيلو عقائدياً (يسار) أو عنصرياً (قومي) أو طائفياً (إسلامجي). فالإنساني مش سيليكتيڤ، والوطني بياخد بعين الاعتبار غيرو من المواطنين، وخاصة العبالن دولة، مش العكس. وما بيتذكّر كل مظالم الكون هو وناسي مظالم ناسو، حتى لو انتموا إلى ما تبقّى من فئة الإمبرياليين أو الطبقة الأرتوازية. والظاهرة إنك تواجه طرف طبيعي لأنو مش عرأيك، باستعمال حجّة طرف هرطوق بس لأنو، بهالنقطة تحديداً، أقرب لرأيك. فحوى الحديث، عحساباتك، ورغم إنو كان أفضل العكس، صار في طرفين ممانعة - ماكس ولايت - ضد طرف واحد صحناوي. مش مشكلة. إذاً أنا صحناوي وإبراهيمي وببلاش. ونكاية إذا شي. facebook.com/reel/8299200968…
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The same logic applies to Santa Claus and the Easter Bunny. ⸻ US Vice President JD Vance: “Mojtaba Khamenei is alive, according to the available evidence.”
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Met with Lebanese Prime Minister Salam today, reaffirming strong U.S. support as Lebanon implements the Trilateral Framework – the only path to a durable peace with Israel. The United States stands with a sovereign Lebanon, free from Hizballah and Iranian influence.
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مـنـطـق مـجـعـلــك الدولة والعصابة: الاحتلال سبب العصابة. الناس والحقيقة: العصابة سبب الاحتلال (وكل شي تاني تقريباً).
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خيبة أمل! رئيس الوزراء اللبناني نواف سلام طالب في الأمم المتحدة بالعودة إلى حدود الهدنة 1949. هذا ما يسمّونه «السلام مع إسرائيل» ليتهرّبوا من التطبيع الحقيقي. هو ورئيس الجمهورية جوزيف عون ومعظم الأحزاب «السيادية» او ما يُسمّى مجموعة 14 آذار وبعض أطراف 8 آذار يردّدون الخطاب نفسه. صار واضحًا أن السعودية متمسّكة بهذا الخط، وهذه الأحزاب بحاجة إلى تمويلها، سواء من السعودية أو قطر أو جهات أخرى، لذلك يكرّرون الكلام دون المطالبة بالتطبيع، رغم أنه رغبة معظم الشعب اللبناني. هناك فرصة ذهبية في عهد ترامب للانضمام إلى الاتفاق الإبراهيمي. إذا استغلوها استفاد الشعب اللبناني، وإذا لم يفعلوا فسينقرض المسيحيون والدروز بعد عقود، وستكون هناك حرب قتالية بين الشيعة والسنة للسيطرة الكاملة على لبنان لأحد الطرفين. أما المسيحيون والدروز فيجب أن يدركوا خطورة عدم التطبيع: التأخير يعني استمرار الضعف والذوبان، لا حمايتهم. الخطاب سهل، أما المطالبة بالتطبيع والتنفيذ فهو الذي يكشف الجميع.
كلمتي أمام الجمعية العامة للأمم المتحدة النص الكامل: facebook.com/share/p/19jvuhj…
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سـؤال بـمـحـلّ غـيــرو ليش خطابات الرئيسين للاجانب بتطلع وكأنّو نجاح واكيم كاتبا. ليش بيفضّلوا يمثّلوا فكر اقلية رحعيّة مش اكترية وطنية. ليش ما عندن شي جديد يقولوه بل مصرّين عسخافات السبقوهن. ليش ما في براسن او براس حوصتن فكرة جديدة. ليش الكلام فارغ والفعل افرغ؟ ما خلّونا 2.0؟
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